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Revolution Televised.pdf

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Reading the Roots of Resistance 9<br />

sions, and wage work, and in many cases they housed an alternative<br />

culture that placed more emphasis on collectivist values, mutuality,<br />

and fellowship. 18<br />

Out of necessity and camaraderie, these spaces became key locations<br />

for African American life. 19 The history and development of<br />

African American humor serve as a sound example of the workings<br />

of these sites.<br />

Slavery set the stage for the form and content of African American<br />

humor. In his book On the Real Side: Laughing, Lying and Signifying,<br />

the Underground Tradition of African-American Humor . . . ,<br />

Mel Watkins examines African American humor from slavery to<br />

the 1990s. Just as the underlying motivations of uplift are concerned<br />

with the way the white world sees the black world, a similar<br />

process works within the context of black humor, according to<br />

Watkins’s observations. He draws upon the ideas of W. E. B. Du<br />

Bois, who suggests that African Americans operate with a<br />

double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self<br />

through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of<br />

a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels<br />

his twoness,—an American, a Negro: two souls, two thoughts, two<br />

unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose<br />

dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder. 20<br />

Seen in this context, black humor’s trajectory and significance<br />

can be situated around this duality: one type of humor in the mainstream<br />

public and another, private, humor used within all black<br />

settings. Both were operational in order to maneuver through the<br />

hostile American terrain. A division must be recognized between the<br />

societal view of blacks as inherently humorous and black humor.<br />

African Americans could be seen as humorous once they were<br />

contained within certain roles, ones implicated in childishness and<br />

naïveté. However, an ironic, realistic, sarcastic, and satirical black<br />

humor was reserved for the black community. As Watkins argues,<br />

African Americans . . . assume[d] dual social roles: one for a hostile<br />

white world, the other the natural demeanor they reserved for interactions<br />

among themselves. Humor was a crucial factor in dealing<br />

with a situation. In interactions with whites, it eased tensions that<br />

might otherwise have exploded into violence. . . . In the privacy<br />

of completely black settings, black humor was more acerbic . . .

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