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BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES - Universitatea de Medicină şi Farmacie

BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES - Universitatea de Medicină şi Farmacie

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transitional. Szasz and Hollen<strong>de</strong>r's (1956) work refined Parsons by<br />

elaborating different doctor-patient mo<strong>de</strong>ls arising around different types<br />

of illness:<br />

(1) Patient passivity and physician assertiveness are the most<br />

common reactions to acute illness;<br />

(2) Less acute illness is characterized by physician guidance and<br />

patient cooperation;<br />

(3) Chronic illness is characterized by physicians participating in a<br />

treatment plan where patients had the bulk of the<br />

responsibility to help themselves.<br />

Critics have also shown that there is a great <strong>de</strong>al of inter-cultural<br />

and inter-personal variation in sick roles and norms. The "American" sick<br />

role is not as useful a concept as the more specific "white, Midwestern,<br />

Scandinavian, male" sick role. There is also cross-class variation. Some of<br />

the poor adapt to their lack of access to medical care by becoming<br />

fatalistic, rejecting the necessity of medical treatment, and coming to see<br />

illness and <strong>de</strong>ath as inevitable. On the other hand, the educated classes<br />

have become more assertive in the relationship, rejecting the norm of<br />

passivity in favor of self-diagnosis or negotiated diagnosis. There is also<br />

inter-cultural variation in physician roles, and variation among physicians<br />

in the success of their role socialization. While Parsons' mo<strong>de</strong>l of doctors'<br />

affective neutrality, collective-orientation, and egalitarianism towards<br />

patients did express the professional i<strong>de</strong>al, some physicians are more<br />

affectively neutral than others. Following Parsons' lead, some sociologists<br />

began to focus on the socialization (professionalization) of physicians and<br />

the factors in medical school and resi<strong>de</strong>ncy that facilitated or discouraged<br />

optimal role socialization to doctor-patient relationships.<br />

Thus, Conrad (1989) consi<strong>de</strong>rs that the Parsons’ work generally<br />

took the division of labor in medicine for granted, and painted a more or<br />

less heroic picture of medical self-sacrifice. Beginning to focus on aspects<br />

of the physician role and medical education which themselves militated<br />

against humanistic patient care he suggested that medical schools and<br />

resi<strong>de</strong>ncies socialized physicians into "<strong>de</strong>humanization," and to place<br />

professional i<strong>de</strong>ntity and camara<strong>de</strong>rie before patient advocacy and social<br />

i<strong>de</strong>alism.<br />

James "J." Hughes consi<strong>de</strong>rs that the most important weakness of<br />

Parsons' functionalist account of the doctor-patient relationship arose from<br />

his poor un<strong>de</strong>rstanding of the ecological concepts of dysfunction and niche<br />

62

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