Complexity and Social Movements: Multitudes at the Edge of Chaos ...
Complexity and Social Movements: Multitudes at the Edge of Chaos ...
Complexity and Social Movements: Multitudes at the Edge of Chaos ...
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Identities, protest dynamics <strong>and</strong> technology 47<br />
The presence <strong>of</strong> activists associ<strong>at</strong>ed with PGA a network founded in<br />
Geneva in February 1998, to act as ‘a world-wide co-ordin<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> resistance<br />
against <strong>the</strong> global market, a new alliance <strong>of</strong> struggle <strong>and</strong> mutual<br />
support’, 2 was also significant (see Chapter 6). Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se activists had<br />
already established a degree <strong>of</strong> trust from prior personal contact <strong>and</strong><br />
communic<strong>at</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> significant interest <strong>and</strong> mobilis<strong>at</strong>ion taking place across<br />
Europe to local activists. The PGA commitment to values <strong>of</strong> autonomy,<br />
decentralis<strong>at</strong>ion, democr<strong>at</strong>ic particip<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>and</strong> direct action in opposition to<br />
neo-liberal capitalism, formalised during <strong>the</strong> Zap<strong>at</strong>ista uprising in Chiapas<br />
Mexico, were manifest concretely in <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> ‘intern<strong>at</strong>ionals’ to keep<br />
<strong>the</strong> process ‘open’. This commitment to ‘unity in diversity’ through <strong>the</strong> fusion<br />
<strong>of</strong> different political perspectives <strong>and</strong> protest repertoires was central.<br />
Consensus regarding <strong>the</strong> action to be taken was reached after a<br />
complex process <strong>of</strong> deb<strong>at</strong>e in general assembly, small groups, <strong>and</strong> in<br />
INPEG meetings.<br />
(Minutes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Intern<strong>at</strong>ional Organising<br />
Meeting, 16–18 June 2000)<br />
This consensus was <strong>the</strong> product <strong>of</strong> a meeting <strong>of</strong> over 70 people particip<strong>at</strong>ing<br />
as ‘simple individuals’ or ‘represent<strong>at</strong>ives <strong>of</strong> organis<strong>at</strong>ions’, collectives<br />
<strong>and</strong> coalitions from <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom, France, Germany, Ne<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>s,<br />
Spain, Italy, Finl<strong>and</strong>, Norway, Slovakia, United St<strong>at</strong>es <strong>and</strong> Czech Republic.<br />
However, subsequent ‘intern<strong>at</strong>ional’ meetings were complic<strong>at</strong>ed fur<strong>the</strong>r by<br />
<strong>the</strong> particip<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> intern<strong>at</strong>ional Trotskyist organis<strong>at</strong>ions (Intern<strong>at</strong>ional<br />
<strong>Social</strong>ists/<strong>Social</strong>ist Worker’s Party) th<strong>at</strong> opposed extensive deliber<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
<strong>and</strong> consensus processes prioritising <strong>the</strong> recognition <strong>of</strong> difference. These<br />
‘bourgeois’ traits were regarded as fragmenting <strong>the</strong> old unity associ<strong>at</strong>ed<br />
with class struggle defined through rel<strong>at</strong>ions <strong>of</strong> ownership in classic<br />
Marxist terms.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong>se political <strong>and</strong> philosophical divisions, <strong>the</strong>re was broad<br />
agreement amongst our respondents <strong>of</strong> an emerging consensus during <strong>the</strong>se<br />
discussions which was subsequently assimil<strong>at</strong>ed within <strong>the</strong> action plan. This<br />
position was, as might be expected, a negoti<strong>at</strong>ed compromise, involving a<br />
mass g<strong>at</strong>hering <strong>at</strong> a central convergence point, followed by ‘a unity march’<br />
(favoured by <strong>the</strong> IS/SWP) during which <strong>the</strong> assembled protesters would be<br />
divided into separ<strong>at</strong>e marches each <strong>of</strong> which would be assigned a colour.<br />
The ‘coloured’ marches would be characterised by political affili<strong>at</strong>ion,<br />
ideological st<strong>and</strong>point or affective links determined by regional identity,<br />
language or affinity with particular protest repertoires.<br />
The presence <strong>of</strong> intern<strong>at</strong>ionals or ‘free radicals’ underlines <strong>the</strong> significance<br />
<strong>of</strong> individual free acts in shaping social form, action <strong>and</strong> dynamics oper<strong>at</strong>ing<br />
as <strong>at</strong>tractors ‘dissolving old dualisms’ (Eve et al. 1997: xii–xv). The<br />
adoption <strong>of</strong> colours – yellow, blue <strong>and</strong> pink – drew upon experience<br />
within London RTS (Reclaim The Streets) <strong>of</strong> providing ‘condens<strong>at</strong>ion