PARLIAMENT AND DEMOCRACY - Inter-Parliamentary Union

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A representative parliament I 21 The regional distribution of these numbers is given in figure 2.2. These regional averages conceal marked divergences between countries within each region, which is why, for example, the Nordic countries have been singled out as a group for their consistent exemplary position in comparison with the European average. Similarly, Morocco, Tunisia and Iraq stand out among Arab states, the latter with over 25% of women parliamentarians. In sub- Saharan Africa, Rwanda has the highest percentage of any country, with over 48%. Within the Americas, the significant increases in most Latin countries since 1995 have not been reflected in the countries of North America. So these regional figures conceal substantial differences between countries. Figure 2.2: Regional averages of women in parliaments, 1995, 2000 and 2005 Situation for both Houses of Parliament combined in December of each year* Excluding * Percentages do not take into account the situation of parliaments for which data was unavailable. Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union (2006). Women in Parliament in 2005: the year in perspective.
22 I PARLIAMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Further online reading about the percentages of wom en in national parliam ents: Inter-Parliamentary Union (2005). Women in politics 2005: Poster. Inter-Parliamentary Union (2006). Women in national parliaments. Situation as of 28 February 2006. Inter-Parliamentary Union (2006). Women in national parliaments. Statistical archive. Inter-Parliamentary Union (2006). Women in politics: 60 years in retrospect (Information Kit). What, then, are the main obstacles preventing faster progress on this issue, and what can be done about them? Here are some of the considerations advanced by the women parliamentarians in the IPU 2000 survey to explain women’s low participation rates in parliament and in politics more generally: ■ Negative self-selection. Many women are put off taking part in politics because of its competitive and adversarial character, and the sacrifice it means for family life. ■ Male hostility. The hierarchies of political parties are typically male-dominated, and can be quite hostile towards women. ■ Times of meetings. Most meetings are held in the evening and at weekends, and make it difficult for those with family responsibilities to take part. ■ The expense of standing for election, where expenses are partly borne by the candidate rather than wholly by the political parties. As to what can be done to offset these obstacles, the example of countries which have the highest female participation rates or have shown the most progress over the past decade demonstrates that it is invariably the result of affirmative action measures of one kind or another. To date such measures have been introduced in 81 countries, typically after determined campaigning by women’s organisations. Some of these measures have legal force, others depend on initiatives taken by parties themselves. The following are the typical forms they may take:
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consideration of a bill more effect
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Facing the future I 187 State: give
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and also to allow for increased par
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strengthening of both legislative a
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As regards the practicability and c
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3. Technology assessment. This has
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Australia Austria Belarus Belgium B
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Organization’s programmes aimed a
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MS. MARTA LAGOS CRUZ-COKE Executive
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MS. DULCE MARIA SAURI RIANCHO Membe
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Commonwealth Parliamentary Associat
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Non-governmental organisations Cent
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Index Note: Page numbers in bold in
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types of, 8, 15-17, 69 voter partic
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Myanmar, 176 Namibia, 77, 110 Natio
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Sweden, 63, 75, 110, 112, 165 gende
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