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PARLIAMENT AND DEMOCRACY - Inter-Parliamentary Union

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A representative parliament I 23<br />

■ Reserved parliamentary seats for women, for example to be filled according<br />

to the proportion of seats won overall by the respective parties.<br />

■ Guaranteed proportions of party lists or ‘quotas’ to be filled by women,<br />

including top places.<br />

■ Women-only short lists for candidate selection in constituency-based<br />

systems, or constituency ‘twinning’, with a requirement that one of each<br />

sex be selected.<br />

Countries with markedly low female participation rates have begun to make<br />

a significant difference by the adoption of such measures. For example, in<br />

2004 the Republic of Korea introduced a combination of all the above measures<br />

into its relevant laws. The Political Party Act now requires the assignment<br />

of 50% of the proportional representative seats to women, and the inclusion of<br />

women in every two candidates from the top of the candidate list. The Law on<br />

Political Funds provides state subsidies to parties nominating women to run in<br />

30% or more electoral districts. As a consequence of these changes the percentage<br />

of women in the 17 th National Assembly doubled from the previous<br />

assembly to 13%. Other countries have achieved a higher percentage where<br />

seats allocated to party lists form a larger proportion than in Korea.<br />

Such affirmative action measures can be justified on equality grounds by<br />

reference to article 4.1 of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms<br />

of Discrimination against Women:<br />

Adoption by States Parties of temporary special measures aimed at<br />

accelerating de facto equality between men and women shall not be<br />

considered discrimination……these measures shall be discontinued<br />

when the objectives of equality of opportunity and treatment have been<br />

achieved.<br />

The implication of this article is that such measures will help to bring about<br />

long-term change; but they cannot do so on their own. This is demonstrated by<br />

the example of Bangladesh, where the provision reserving 30 additional<br />

parliamentary seats to women expired in 2000, with the consequence of a<br />

dramatic fall in women’s representation in parliament from nine to two per<br />

cent. The provision has now been restored with an increase of additional seats<br />

to 45. So affirmative action measures are likely to be a necessary but not<br />

sufficient condition for improving women’s participation for the foreseeable<br />

future.

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