foir_3880
foir_3880
foir_3880
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FOI-R--<strong>3880</strong>--SE<br />
None of the three security organisations has Afghanistan and its influence on<br />
Central Asia as a natural focus. All the states in the region are weak and can<br />
rapidly succumb to internal or external conflict. The OSCE and the UN include<br />
all the five states but have a very limited role where hard security is concerned.<br />
On the other hand, they are the organisations that are most likely to be acceptable<br />
frameworks for the states in the region. They are consequently not ideal, but<br />
nevertheless likely to be the best multilateral frameworks for security<br />
cooperation after 2014, especially since they give an opportunity for international<br />
actors other than Russia and China to stay involved.<br />
TAJIKISTAN – CENTRAL IN CENTRAL ASIA<br />
Tajikistan comes across as the central country in the Afghanistan–Central Asia<br />
nexus. It is geographically in the middle and has the closest historical, cultural,<br />
ethnic and linguistic links with Afghanistan. Interestingly, it also lands at the<br />
very centre of Rustam Burnashev’s model of how Central Asian states perceive<br />
the challenge from Islamism. Tajikistan is the Central Asian country most<br />
dependent on developments in Afghanistan for its own security. But it is also the<br />
weakest and most vulnerable Central Asian state. Apart from the drugs trade and<br />
the potential disruptive force of militant Islamist groups in northern Afghanistan<br />
near Tajikistan’s border, the country is Farsi-speaking Sunni Muslim and has<br />
close links to Iran. Should a Sunni-Shi’a sectarian divide worsen in Afghanistan<br />
and drag Iran into the equation, this would affect Tajikistan seriously. But,<br />
interestingly, Tajikistan comes across in the work done for this study as the most<br />
optimistic country regarding Afghanistan.<br />
NOT ALL IS GLOOM<br />
Afghanistan also constitutes an economic opportunity for Central Asia. Some of<br />
our authors note that the five states actually see economic opportunities and<br />
believe that economic development is an important component in achieving<br />
greater regional stability (Olimov, Kazemi, Isabaev). The same idea is<br />
pronounced in Afghan policy towards Central Asia. There is potential for<br />
mutually beneficial economic cooperation. Afghanistan needs to rebuild<br />
infrastructure and the Central Asian countries want to expand their trade<br />
networks in and through Afghanistan, onwards to South Asia, the Persian Gulf<br />
and the Indian Ocean. The Central Asian states agree that for economic<br />
cooperation to accelerate Afghanistan needs to remain stable after 2014. So far<br />
economic cooperation has been limited due to the security situation. Uzbekistan<br />
and Tajikistan are the most active with several infrastructure projects;<br />
Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan have no economic cooperation to speak of while<br />
Kazakhstan mainly gives economic aid.<br />
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