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FOI-R--<strong>3880</strong>--SE<br />

on anti-terror activities has been a support for the domestic Chinese approach<br />

towards the XUAR. The importance China and the other SCO members place on<br />

the terrorist threat is seen in the establishment in 2004 of the Regional Antiterrorist<br />

Centre (RATS) in Tashkent. It is one of but two permanent bodies of the<br />

SCO, the other being the secretariat in Beijing. Terrorism was not the only<br />

reason for forming the SCO, but may from the Chinese perspective have been<br />

more important than appreciated in the West. That China, despite the preference<br />

for using bilateral relationships or the UN, has chosen to invest in a multilateral<br />

security agreement with Russia and Central Asian partners underlines that its<br />

view on its neighbours to the west differs from its views on other areas.<br />

AFGHANISTAN AND THE GREATER GEOSTRATEGIC GAME IN<br />

THE CHINESE CALCULUS<br />

To policy makers in Beijing Afghanistan is a distant neighbour that mostly has<br />

had little influence on Chinese foreign policy, its security or its economy. The<br />

short border has only one crossing point, a trail across the Wakhjir pass (4900<br />

metres above sea level) leading west into the narrow, long and rugged valley of<br />

Afghanistan’s Wakhan Corridor. Geography limits interaction and the physical<br />

threats emanating directly from Afghanistan (Wong, 2010). Yet the spread of<br />

ideology has no respect for borders and the risk that political and religious<br />

extremism will take root has been a concern for the government in Beijing.<br />

China sees the American presence in Afghanistan as a mixed blessing. The<br />

foreign forces have on the one hand addressed a key Chinese concern, the<br />

Islamist extremism of al Qaeda. On the other hand the massive Western<br />

deployment runs counter to a central policy tenet of Beijing, the non-interference<br />

in other countries internal affairs policy (Xinhua, 2013:b). The Afghan war has<br />

also run parallel to a general geostrategic shift towards the Western Pacific<br />

during the 2000’s, a shift closely linked to the international debate about the rise<br />

of China. Western suspicion and, in the Beijing analysis, politico-military<br />

overreactions have risked isolating and encircling China militarily. The US<br />

foothold in Afghanistan and Central Asia can be and have been viewed by many<br />

analysts in China as the westernmost region where an encirclement strategy is<br />

being played out. This was made clear when the SCO members including China<br />

at the organization’s 2005 summit called on the US to set a timetable for leaving<br />

Central Asia (Hu Qihua, 2005).<br />

Recent statements suggest a change in the Chinese calculus on the US presence<br />

in Afghanistan and the wider Central Asia. It is becoming clearer even to<br />

cautious military analysts in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) that the US<br />

does not intend to remain with a significant number of troops in the region.<br />

Beijing now sees much less of a risk, and is less concerned that the US is trying<br />

to build a military stepping stone against China in Afghanistan and Central Asia.<br />

This view is seen in the Chinese support for the US-Afghanistan Bilateral<br />

88

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