foir_3880
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FOI-R--<strong>3880</strong>--SE<br />
Overview<br />
The report is divided into three sections and a concluding discussion. Section A<br />
covers the perspectives of the Central Asian countries sharing borders with<br />
Afghanistan i.e. Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Apart from their<br />
geographical proximity to Afghanistan they also have links to minorities of their<br />
ethnic kin in Afghanistan. In chapter one ‘How may the withdrawal of ISAF<br />
from Afghanistan affect Turkmenistan’, Nina Startseva notes that Turkmenistan<br />
is a weak state which has tried to isolate itself from problems in Afghanistan.<br />
Nevertheless, Turkmenistan remains very vulnerable to influences from its southeastern<br />
neighbour. Chapter two, Azamjon Isabaev’s ‘Uzbekistan and Afghanistan<br />
– security challenges post-2014’, describes how Uzbekistan, which has tighter<br />
control over its border with Afghanistan than Turkmenistan does, sees<br />
opportunities in Afghanistan, but explains that the challenges are great and the<br />
Central Asian countries’ abilities to handle them are limited. In chapter three,<br />
‘North-east Afghanistan and the Republic of Tajikistan – post-ISAF security<br />
challenges’ Muzaffar Olimov outlines how Tajikistan’s close relations with<br />
Afghanistan balance between trade and transit opportunities and grave security<br />
challenges. Security in Tajikistan requires a secure and stable Afghanistan.<br />
Section B focuses on regional perspectives on the two major security challenges<br />
for Central Asia that emanate from Afghanistan – the illegal drugs trade and<br />
Islamism – as well as the viability of regional cooperation to handle these<br />
challenges. Chapter four, Emil Dzhuraev’s ‘Drug trafficking in Central Asia after<br />
2014: towards a broader and more realistic view’ puts the narcotics issue in a<br />
wider context, noting that not only supply and transit should be targeted, but also<br />
demand. This seemingly intractable transnational problem is too big for Central<br />
Asia and must be handled in a wider international framework. In the fifth<br />
chapter, ‘Why Islamists are not the most important regional security challenge<br />
for Central Asian states’, Rustam Burnashev notes that Islamism is framed as a<br />
security challenge by Central Asian regimes. It has primarily domestic roots, but<br />
is often wrongly connected with Afghanistan. The regimes agree on neither the<br />
nature of the threat nor how it should be countered. The preconditions for<br />
regional cooperation are poor, and Murat Laumulin notes in the sixth chapter,<br />
‘Regional efforts of the Central Asian states regarding Afghanistan’, that the<br />
Central Asian states focus either on bilateral relations or on wider cooperation<br />
involving major powers or international organisations. Without these, security<br />
cooperation between the Central Asian states is unlikely to develop.<br />
Section C is devoted to perspectives on Central Asia from outside actors that<br />
remain involved in the region either in security (primarily Russia) or<br />
economically (both China and Russia as well as Afghanistan). In chapter seven,<br />
‘Afghanistan and the Central Asian states: reflections on the evolving relations<br />
after 2014’ Said Reza Kazemi challenges the whole approach of this report – that<br />
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