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FOI-R--<strong>3880</strong>--SE<br />

While the objective difficulty of seizing trafficked drugs is part of the<br />

explanation for this mediocre interception rate, there is also the fact of<br />

complacency or even complicity on the part of relevant institutions in the region.<br />

As Sebastien Peyrouse (2012) notes, drugs trafficking has been classified into<br />

three groups: ‘green’ – drugs trafficking as a complementary activity of religious<br />

militant groups (mostly for fundraising); ‘black’ – small-scale trafficking by<br />

individuals or small groups, often for delivery in domestic markets; and ‘red’ –<br />

the most serious kind of trafficking, in large amounts, by organised transnational<br />

groups who often enlist law enforcement officers and even political figures. It is<br />

this latter kind of trafficking that accounts for the largest part of the overall<br />

traffic, and it is rarely intercepted. Tajikistan has been viewed as especially<br />

entrenched in this ‘red’ category of drugs traffic (Paoli et al., 2007; UNODC,<br />

2012a: 12).<br />

The range of drugs-related security problems in Central Asia is wide, even if not<br />

all of the problems are at a critical point. They range from drugs-related violent<br />

crimes, including organised crime, to negative effects on political stability, to an<br />

extensive unaccountable ‘shadow economy’ around drugs, and, of course, a<br />

growing prevalence of drug use, impacting on public health. Kazakhstan has<br />

registered significant numbers of drugs-related crimes in recent years. Organised<br />

drugs-trafficking groups have been frequently cited as key contributors to the<br />

ethnically-based violence in June 2010 in the south of Kyrgyzstan. The violence<br />

between government forces and the Badakhshani drug-based crime groups in the<br />

city of Khorog in the summer of 2012 has been the most recent major episode in<br />

Tajikistan.<br />

Trafficking through the territory of Central Asia has also seen a growing rate of<br />

drug use in these countries, leading to a rapid increase in the numbers of<br />

HIV/AIDS-infected persons (due to injected drug use) and of drug-use-related<br />

violence and deaths. The governments in the region, and most vocally that of<br />

Kazakhstan, have recognised illicit drug use as a major security and health<br />

concern. All five countries have seen steadily growing estimates of opiate<br />

(opium, morphine and heroin) use, with Turkmenistan – where reliable<br />

information is least available – cited as possibly the most affected.<br />

DRUGS TRAFFICKING IN CONTEXT<br />

Thus, to return to the question of the significance of drugs trafficking as a threat<br />

in Central Asia: it is an important threat, even if the public do not entirely realise<br />

this. After 2014, it is likely to grow in importance due to the increasing numbers<br />

of drug users within the region, to the enormous market in Russia, where most of<br />

the drugs traffic via Central Asia goes, and to the stable or possibly increasing<br />

levels of production (cultivation and manufacturing of opiates) in Afghanistan.<br />

The significance of drugs trafficking, however, lies not in its sheer volume or<br />

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