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WATER ABLAZE - Patagonia Sin Represas

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y the Bolivian government in the course of public-sector reforms. In July 1997, a concession<br />

contract was concluded with the AISA Group (Aguas del Illimani S.A.), in which the French water<br />

giant Suez holds 54% of shares. A 30-year concession granted AISA the right to use specified<br />

water sources and to run the conurbation’s drinking-water supply and sewage disposal systems.<br />

Only eight years later, the Bolivian government instructed its regulatory body, SISAB, to take<br />

steps to terminate the concession and all business links with AISA (Supreme Decree No. 27973<br />

of 11.01.2005). Carlos Mesa, president at the time, was reacting to week-long popular protest<br />

in El Alto. Under the leadership of Abel Mamani, the Federation of Neighbourhood Councils<br />

from El Alto (FEJUVE El Alto) was the driving force of the opposition movement. Private-sector<br />

participation had encountered resistance in La Paz and El Alto from the very start. The first<br />

rallies against tariff increases took place as early as 1997. In 2000, protests intensified due to<br />

the impressions left behind by the “water wars” that took place in Cochabamba when citizens<br />

rebelled against the privatisation of the public water utility and higher service fees. In February<br />

2003, the conflict escalated in El Alto and La Paz. Demonstrators set fire to AISA offices. Unrest<br />

in October of the same year revolved mainly around the export of natural gas, but it was also<br />

accompanied by protests against AISA. In December 2004, FEJUVE presented the government<br />

with an ultimatum, in an attempt to have the concession terminated. Negotiations failed and,<br />

in January 2005, the grassroots movement called a general strike. In view of the impending<br />

escalation, the government of Carlos Mesa decided to rescind the contract with AISA.<br />

SAP Structural Adjustment Programmes<br />

Initiated by the World Bank and IMF, whereby loans granted to developing countries are linked to<br />

preconditions such as the privatisation of national resources and infrastructure.<br />

SAP Section de l’assainissement de Paris<br />

Publicly-run French company, collecting wastewater.<br />

SC Service Contract<br />

Term used in the USA for a certain kind of CBL deal.<br />

SECO Secrétariat d’Etat à l’économie<br />

(National Office for Economic Affairs) Swiss “Competence Centre” which deals with all core<br />

issues of economic policy; its goal is to open up all markets for Swiss goods, services and<br />

investments; similar to the German GTZ and likewise involved in development aid policy.<br />

SEDIF Syndicat des eaux d’Ile-de-France<br />

Name given to the two French water giants Suez and Veolia. Both have come under attack from<br />

local councillors, citizens and the law. Although they present themselves as “the biggest publicservice<br />

water distribution in France”, the label “public-service” disguises a very different sort of<br />

organisation and misuses the term “public”.<br />

SEERC Société des Equipements et d’Entretien des<br />

Réseaux Communaux<br />

Subsidiary of the French giant Suez.<br />

SEG Société des Eaux de Grenoble<br />

This public-private company was founded in 1996. The City of Grenoble held 51% of shares, while<br />

the remaining 49% were owned by the water giant Suez. Despite its minority holding, the private<br />

group had extensive veto rights in all important decisions. Operations were outsourced to the<br />

Société Grenobloise de l’Eau et de l’Assainissement (SGEA), another 100% subsidiary of Suez.<br />

(see: COGESE)<br />

330

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