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Revolution in the Arab World - Observation of a lost soul Blog

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foreign policy • revolution <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> arab world • revolution makers<br />

own logo was a stylized clenched fist—an ironic, mock<strong>in</strong>g expropriation <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> symbol <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Serb Partisans <strong>in</strong> <strong>World</strong> War II, and <strong>of</strong> communist movements<br />

everywhere.<br />

Otpor steered clear <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional opposition tactics <strong>of</strong> marches and<br />

rallies—partly out <strong>of</strong> necessity, because <strong>the</strong> group didn’t have enough people<br />

to pull <strong>the</strong>m <strong>of</strong>f. Instead <strong>of</strong> political parties’ gravity and bombast, Otpor<br />

adopted <strong>the</strong> sensibility <strong>of</strong> a TV show its leaders had grown up watch<strong>in</strong>g:<br />

Monty Python’s Fly<strong>in</strong>g Circus. Its daily work consisted <strong>of</strong> street <strong>the</strong>ater and<br />

pranks that made <strong>the</strong> government look silly and won coverage from opposition<br />

media. Wit was perhaps not always achieved, but it was always <strong>the</strong> aim.<br />

The most famous stunt <strong>in</strong>volved an oil barrel pa<strong>in</strong>ted with Milosevic’s<br />

picture. Otpor rolled it down a busy street, ask<strong>in</strong>g people to <strong>in</strong>sert a co<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />

a slot for <strong>the</strong> privilege <strong>of</strong> whack<strong>in</strong>g Milosevic with a bat. This was Otpor’s<br />

favorite k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> prank, a dilemma action: It left <strong>the</strong> regime damned ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />

way. If <strong>the</strong> government had let <strong>the</strong> barrel roll, it would have looked weak.<br />

But when <strong>the</strong> police stepped <strong>in</strong>, <strong>the</strong> optics were no better: The Otpor members<br />

fled, and <strong>the</strong> opposition TV <strong>the</strong> next day showed pictures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> police<br />

“arrest<strong>in</strong>g” a barrel and load<strong>in</strong>g it <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> police van. The country sniggered<br />

at <strong>the</strong>se pranks—and signed up for Otpor.<br />

Ra<strong>the</strong>r than try<strong>in</strong>g to avoid arrests, Otpor decided to provoke <strong>the</strong>m and<br />

use <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> movement’s advantage. After a few months it became evident<br />

that while police would rough up Otpor members, torture was rare<br />

and few <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m would even be kept overnight. When any Otpor member<br />

was arrested, <strong>the</strong> organization sent a noisy crowd to hang out on <strong>the</strong> street<br />

outside <strong>the</strong> police station. Deta<strong>in</strong>ees would emerge from <strong>the</strong> police station<br />

to f<strong>in</strong>d a pack <strong>of</strong> opposition journalists and a cheer<strong>in</strong>g crowd <strong>of</strong> friends.<br />

Young men competed to rack up <strong>the</strong> most arrests. If wear<strong>in</strong>g Otpor’s signature<br />

fist-emblazoned black T-shirt made you an <strong>in</strong>sider <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> revolution,<br />

gett<strong>in</strong>g arrested made you a rock star. People who once thought <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />

as victims learned to th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>mselves as heroes.<br />

Two years after its found<strong>in</strong>g, Otpor’s 11 members had become more<br />

than 70,000. “The signal th<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>y did that should never be <strong>lost</strong> is that <strong>the</strong>y<br />

made it OK for Serbs to say publicly that <strong>the</strong> regime was not <strong>in</strong>v<strong>in</strong>cible, that<br />

many Serbs shared a sense that change could come,” said James O’Brien, <strong>the</strong><br />

Cl<strong>in</strong>ton adm<strong>in</strong>istration’s special envoy to <strong>the</strong> Balkans. By <strong>the</strong> time Milos-<br />

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