Revolution in the Arab World - Observation of a lost soul Blog
Revolution in the Arab World - Observation of a lost soul Blog
Revolution in the Arab World - Observation of a lost soul Blog
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foreign policy • revolution <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> arab world • TUnisia<br />
<strong>the</strong> powerless Baltic nations would become <strong>in</strong>dependent, democratic states,<br />
just a year before it happened. If we bet on <strong>the</strong> stability <strong>of</strong> authoritarian<br />
states, we will be right most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> time, but wrong at <strong>the</strong> crucial time.<br />
History is made when <strong>the</strong> wea<strong>the</strong>r suddenly changes—by deviations<br />
from <strong>the</strong> normal course <strong>of</strong> events. The challenge for American diplomacy is<br />
not to wait for shifts <strong>in</strong> favor <strong>of</strong> human rights and democracy before scrambl<strong>in</strong>g<br />
to appear to support <strong>the</strong>m. It is not to wait until a dictator is halfway<br />
out <strong>the</strong> door before you condemn his abuses, freeze his assets, and demand<br />
free elections. It is to promote change <strong>in</strong> repressive states before it appears<br />
<strong>in</strong>evitable. If you th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>the</strong>re is only a 10 percent chance that Egypt’s post-<br />
Mubarak transition will usher <strong>in</strong> a government that answers to its people,<br />
or that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> next few years <strong>the</strong> Burmese military junta might compromise<br />
with <strong>the</strong> democratic opposition, or that a popular movement might successfully<br />
challenge political repression <strong>in</strong> Iran, <strong>the</strong>n why not do what you<br />
can to help raise <strong>the</strong> odds to 20 or 30 percent In foreign policy, as <strong>in</strong> baseball,<br />
.300 is a Hall <strong>of</strong> Fame average.<br />
Political realities mean that American diplomats will use a different tone<br />
when confront<strong>in</strong>g human rights abuses committed by a great power like<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>a than a small one like Ivory Coast. They will rightly follow different<br />
strategies toward countries with strong democratic opposition movements,<br />
like Burma, than toward those where civil society is atomized, as it is <strong>in</strong><br />
Turkmenistan. But where <strong>the</strong>y are serious about promot<strong>in</strong>g human rights<br />
and democracy, <strong>the</strong>y can afford to be bolder, sooner, than <strong>the</strong>y usually are.<br />
American diplomats need not always relegate <strong>the</strong>ir honest impressions to<br />
<strong>the</strong> confessional <strong>of</strong> a secret cable.<br />
America’s relationship with Ch<strong>in</strong>a did not crumble when Cl<strong>in</strong>ton challenged<br />
its government to stop censor<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Internet last year, or when she<br />
challenged <strong>the</strong> country to account for <strong>the</strong> dissidents it has disappeared over<br />
<strong>the</strong> years just days before last week’s summit between Presidents Barack<br />
Obama and Hu J<strong>in</strong>tao. America’s <strong>Arab</strong> friends did not walk away from <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
alliances with <strong>the</strong> United States after Cl<strong>in</strong>ton told <strong>the</strong>m, at a recent public<br />
forum <strong>in</strong> Qatar, that “people have grown tired <strong>of</strong> [<strong>the</strong>ir] corrupt <strong>in</strong>stitutions<br />
and stagnant political order.” Such public candor not only encourages dissidents<br />
<strong>in</strong> repressive societies, but stimulates debate among elites, who <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
privately admit that <strong>the</strong> Americans have a po<strong>in</strong>t. It can contribute to those<br />
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