Revolution in the Arab World - Observation of a lost soul Blog

foreign policy • revolution in the arab world • Tunisia
favors to co-opt leaders of ruling-party organs and civil society organizations.
Those who remained beyond the reach of these tools felt the force of
an internal security apparatus that grew dramatically in the 1990s. Most Tunisians
grudgingly accepted Ben Ali’s heavy-handedness through the 1990s.
Authoritarian rule was the price they paid for stability that could attract
tourists and investors. Ben Ali was an effective, if uncharismatic, technocrat
who beat back the Islamists, generated growth, and saved the country from
the unrest that plagued neighboring Algeria.
Over the last five years, however, the fabric of Ben Ali’s authoritarianism
has frayed. Once it became clear that the Islamists no longer posed a
serious threat, many Tunisians became less willing to accept the government’s
heavy-handedness. The regime also lost some of its earlier deftness.
Its methods became less creative and more transparently brutal. The government
seemed less willing even to play at any dialogue with critics or opposition
parties. Arbitrary arrests, control of the print media and Internet
access, and physical attacks on journalists and human rights and opposition-party
activists became more common. So, too, did stories of corruption—not
the usual kickbacks and favoritism that one might expect, but
truly mafia-grade criminality that lined the pockets of Ben Ali’s wife and
her family. The growth of Facebook, Twitter, and a Tunisian blogosphere—
much of it based outside the country—made it increasingly easy for Tunisians
to learn about the latest arrest, beating, or illicit business deal involving
the president’s family.
Shortly before the December protests began, WikiLeaks released internal
U.S. State Department communications in which the American ambassador
described Ben Ali as aging, out of touch, and surrounded by corruption.
Given Ben Ali’s reputation as a stalwart U.S. ally, it mattered greatly
to many Tunisians—particularly to politically engaged Tunisians who are
plugged into social media—that American officials are saying the same
things about Ben Ali that they themselves say about him. These revelations
contributed to an environment that was ripe for a wave of protest that gathered
broad support.
Tunisia has built a reputation as the Maghreb’s healthiest economy since
Ben Ali seized power, as market-oriented reforms opened the country to
private investment and integrated it more deeply into the regional economy.
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