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Editorial Board Contents - Bureau of Police Research and ...

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eforms. Warren Commission, on the assassination<strong>of</strong> President Kennedy, Senate Committee on theWatergate Sc<strong>and</strong>al, Shah Commission on the role<strong>of</strong> intelligence during emergency in India etc. areillustrative. They examine not only the internalworkings <strong>of</strong> the organization but also functionalrelativity with organizations <strong>and</strong> systems outsidethe intelligence community. Public committeesserve a very useful purpose as they are ableto examine <strong>and</strong> evaluate the functioning <strong>of</strong>intelligence agencies in the broader context <strong>of</strong>political environment, systems <strong>of</strong> governance<strong>and</strong> Iegal-constitutional framework. However,at times, meant only to serve political purposeor silence mounting public criticism, thesecommittees are less than objective <strong>and</strong> swayedby extra-pr<strong>of</strong>essional considerations. Theyalso <strong>of</strong>ten get over influenced by populistperceptions <strong>of</strong> the causes <strong>and</strong> remedies, whichare not always correct. Consequently, theirfindings <strong>and</strong> recommendations do not alwayslead to improvements in the efficiency <strong>and</strong>effectiveness <strong>of</strong> intelligence agencies. The ShahCommission’s findings <strong>and</strong> recommendationsare a case in point. On the contrary, committeeson reforms that are led by the pr<strong>of</strong>essionals, areable to come out with more specific, incisive <strong>and</strong>‘doable’ recommendations. The Shankar NairCommittee report, despite its limited m<strong>and</strong>ate onintelligence reforms, came out with some highlycommendable recommendations.The third category comprises changes that arebrought about by intelligence agencies on theirown, or in conjunction with the larger securityset up <strong>of</strong> the country, envisioning futuristic threats<strong>and</strong> challenges. Transformational in character,they involve constructing future scenarios,assessing the environment in which intelligenceagencies will have to operate <strong>and</strong> calculatinggaps between existing capacities <strong>and</strong> thoserequired to meet emerging threats. This exercisenecessitates intensive study <strong>of</strong> futuristic trends,their implications for national security, analyzingpolicy options <strong>and</strong> formulating strategy for change.Forecasting intelligence needs <strong>of</strong> the country,it should attempt to architect new doctrines,suggest structural changes, aim at optimization<strong>of</strong> resources <strong>and</strong> examine administrative <strong>and</strong>legislative changes required for empowerment <strong>of</strong>intelligence agencies. While intelligence agenciesin developed countries frequently attempt thisexercise, the Indian intelligence has rarely madea conscious effort in this direction. One suchexercise was carried out in the late eighties in theIntelligence <strong>Bureau</strong> on the initiative <strong>of</strong> Shri M.K. Narayanan, just before he was tipped to takeover as the chief.At the national level, the Report <strong>of</strong> the Group <strong>of</strong>Ministers on National Security in 2001, was thefirst macro level attempt in this direction. Thoughit came as an aftermath <strong>of</strong> the SubramaniamCommittee report on Kargil, it was an integratedfuturistic attempt to restructure nationalsecurity under four categories namely, defence,intelligence, internal security <strong>and</strong> bordermanagement. It came with some outst<strong>and</strong>ingrecommendations, but unfortunately with thechange in regime the momentum <strong>of</strong> changecould not be sustained. One <strong>of</strong> the majorrecommendations, that was lost sight <strong>of</strong>, pertainedto the review <strong>of</strong> the national security by a highpowered Groups <strong>of</strong> Ministers, every five years. Ifimplemented, there would have been perspectiveaction plans for intelligence <strong>and</strong> other reforms in2006 <strong>and</strong> 2011. For this category <strong>of</strong> changes to bereally effective, a political will is necessary, thatrequires serious <strong>and</strong> enthusiastic involvement<strong>of</strong> senior political leadership <strong>of</strong> the country. InIndia, national security is a low agenda item,except when the nation finds itself in the midst<strong>of</strong> a serious security crisis. Unfortunately, thatis the most ineffective setting for change. In anideal situation, the Government should developa long term bi-partisan consensus for thesetransformational changes.It needs to be emphasized that both theevolutionary <strong>and</strong> reformist approaches to change,though important by themselves, are inadequateto meet threats <strong>of</strong> the future. These approachesto change are premised on the assumption thatif shortcomings <strong>of</strong> the past were redressed, thefuture would be safe. They allow us to analysethe causes <strong>of</strong> failure, examine existing systems<strong>and</strong> processes, <strong>and</strong> suggest readjustment toprevent their recurrence. The broader legal,administrative <strong>and</strong> security frameworks are takenfor granted; presuming that intelligence would beable to deliver the moon only through changeswithin — every time, everywhere. Unfortunately,this is an erroneous premise. At best, they equipThe Indian <strong>Police</strong> Journal, October - December, 2012, Special Issue 33

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