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province d'Achaïe", in: O. Salomies (ed.), The<br />

Greek East in the Roman context. Proceedings of a<br />

colloquiun organised by the Finnish Institue at<br />

Athens, May 21 and 22, 1999 (Helsinki 2001) 37-49.<br />

On the privileges of duumviri in colonies (comparable<br />

with those of Roman senators), see P. Garnsey,<br />

Social status and legal privilege in the Roman<br />

empire (Oxford 1970) 242-245.<br />

29. H. Tapio, Organisation of Roman brick production<br />

in the lrst and 2nd cent. A.D. (Helsinki 1975)<br />

24; J.J. Aubert, "Workshop managers", in: W.V.<br />

Harris (ed.), The inscribed economy: production and<br />

distribution in the Roman empire in the light of<br />

'instrumentum domesticum'(Ann Arbor 1993) 171-<br />

181. On lamps of Patrai and Corinth and similar<br />

problems to those discussed here, see the interesting<br />

treatment of M. Petropoulos, Τα εργαστήρια των<br />

ρωμαϊκών λυχναριών της Πάτρας και το<br />

Αυχνομαντείο (Athens 1999) 108-110.<br />

30. This method alone allows for an understanding of<br />

each text and its geographical, archaeological and historical<br />

context; on this point, see the relevant<br />

remarks by L. Robert, in: Actes du Vile congrès<br />

international de l'épigraphie grecque et latine,<br />

Constanza 1977 (Bucharest 1979)41-42 and 188-189.<br />

31. I. Kajanto, "The emergence of the late single<br />

name system", in: L'Onomastique latine, 421-445.<br />

These names are cited only if they have a definitely<br />

Latin origin. Only names of governors or high officials<br />

are excluded from this rule.<br />

32. Cf. For examples from Delphi see G. Daux, AJPh<br />

100, 1979, 18-29 and from Sparta, H. Box, JRS 22,<br />

1932, 181-182; cf. also G. Alföldy, "Notes sur les<br />

relations entre le droit de cité et la nomenclature<br />

dans l'Empire romain", Latomus 25, 1966, 45<br />

(examples from Noricum).<br />

33. The full onomastic formula in Latin<br />

(praenomen+nomen+filiation+ tribu) without cognomen<br />

is found in earlier texts, usually those from<br />

Roman colonies. The gradual appearance of the cognomen<br />

begins in the early empire and becomes common<br />

coinage by the middle of the first century A.D.<br />

From the second century after Christ a pr<br />

ogressive decline in the use of the praenomen is<br />

observable, while the nomen and cognomen are<br />

retained. Finally, after Constantine nomina simplicia<br />

predominate: see O. Salomies, Die römischen<br />

Vornamen. Studien zur römischen Namengebung<br />

(Helsinki 1987) 346-413. The imperial nomina provide<br />

a terminus post quem for the dating, while some<br />

GENERAL INTRODUCTION: NOTES<br />

47<br />

cognomina are characteristic of certain ages (e.g.<br />

Christian names appear for the most part after<br />

Diocletian); cf. G. Alföldy, Die Personennamen in<br />

der römischen Provinz Dalmatia (Heidelberg 1969)<br />

Introduction 28-30; B.M. Wilkinson, The names of<br />

children in Roman imperial epitaphs. A study of<br />

social conditions in the lower classes (Ann Arbor<br />

1961) 16-35; A.D. Rizakis, in: Roman onomastics,<br />

17-23.<br />

34. The language of older funerary formulas - even<br />

in Latin - from the end of the republican period and<br />

the beginning of the empire was laconic, while from<br />

the end of the first century it becomes more elaborate<br />

in imitation of Latin practice, so that we find<br />

additional expressions that refer mainly to the monument<br />

dedicator or even to other family members,<br />

and expressions revealing the age of the deceased.<br />

The emphasis on age characterizes Roman funerary<br />

expression, but not traditional Greek (K.K. Éry,<br />

"Investigations on the demographic source value of<br />

tombstones originating from the Roman period",<br />

Alba Regia 10, 1969,51-68). The most characteristic<br />

feature of Roman funerary epigraphy is the presence<br />

of the dedicator, known as the commemorator,<br />

found on approximately 80% of the monuments in<br />

the West: cf. Β. Shaw, "Latin funerary epigraphy and<br />

family relations in the later Roman empire",<br />

Historia 33, 1984, 457-97, esp. 463 n.16. Cf. E.A.<br />

Meyer, "Explaining the epigraphie habit in the<br />

Roman empire. The evidence of epitaphs", JRS 80,<br />

1990, 75; cf. also R. Sailer, in J. Bodel, op. cit. 97-<br />

100; B.M. Wilkinson, The names of children in<br />

Roman imperial epitaphs. A study of social conditions<br />

in the lower classes (Ann Arbor 1961) 36-54.<br />

On this phenomenon in the Roman province of<br />

Macedonia, see A.D. Rizakis and I. Touratsoglou,<br />

"Mors Macedonica. Ο θάνατος στα επιτύμβια<br />

μνημεία της Ανω Μακεδονίας", ΑΕ 139,2000,237-<br />

281 and in Achaia, especially in the colony of Patrai,<br />

see A.D. Rizakis, Achaïe II, 74-77. Helpful in the<br />

dating of funerary monuments is the presence of epithets<br />

refering to the ethical virtues of the deceased,<br />

or expressions that are characteristic of funerary<br />

inscriptions - mainly the Latin ones - belonging to a<br />

certain era.<br />

35. A systematic attempt to classify and date funerary<br />

monuments on the basis of their type, typology<br />

and decoration can be found in the corpus of Patrai:<br />

Rizakis, Achaïe II, 64-74; on the difficulties of dating<br />

by paleography, see Rizakis, op. cit., 14-17

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