Walker - 1967 - A geography of Italy
Walker - 1967 - A geography of Italy
Walker - 1967 - A geography of Italy
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esulted, naturally enough, in a marked rise in wages, probably <strong>of</strong> the order <strong>of</strong><br />
25% ; and since the cost <strong>of</strong> living was rising more slowly the increased wages<br />
represented a very real improvement in living standards for thousands <strong>of</strong> workers.<br />
In the large-scale efficient sectors increased labour costs could be partially<br />
<strong>of</strong>fset by increased productivity; this was very much more difficult in those<br />
sectors composed o f small concerns or in those employing unskilled labour. Although<br />
the basic causes <strong>of</strong> sltimps and booms are notoriously difi&cult to identify,<br />
it seems likely that the rise in labour costs in those activities where productivity<br />
could not be raised proportionately, notably the building trade, contributed substantially<br />
to the recession <strong>of</strong> 1963. Even so the boom lasted long enough to efifea<br />
a revolution in the pattern o f incomes, and despite the recession, Italian labour<br />
has come to expect rewards comparable with those obtainable elsewhere in<br />
western Europe. This tendency has been reinforced by the experiences <strong>of</strong> emigrant<br />
workers.<br />
Capital<br />
As might be expected in a country where the living standards o f a large section <strong>of</strong><br />
the population (particularly in agriculture) are still low, the savings available<br />
provide only a modest total for industrial investment. Furthermore those with<br />
fimds available tend to put them into bank deposits, government securities,<br />
small businesses, land and property rather than into industry, which is regarded<br />
as a risky investment. Thus the stock market plays a much less important rôle<br />
than in Britain and industry has to rely on the banks for much <strong>of</strong> its finance.^<br />
The state too is active in promoting industrial investment either directly or indirectly<br />
through IR I, which incidentally controls three important banks. In the<br />
early years o f <strong>Italy</strong>’s post-war recovery she received massive financial support<br />
from America; in happier days she has been able to avail herself o f international<br />
sources o f credit and, apart from working arrangements between foreign and<br />
Italian firms (Renault and Alfa Romeo, B M C and Innocent!), her industries have<br />
attracted sizeable foreign investments <strong>of</strong> a more permanent character, notably in<br />
oil, chemicals, calculating machinery, photographic products, and textile fibres,<br />
both natural and man-made.^ The United States, Federal Germany, Britain and<br />
Switzerland have the largest stake. Conversely <strong>Italy</strong> has invested considerable<br />
sums abroad notably in car plants in South America and in oil ventures in Africa<br />
and the Middle East. The peculiar structure <strong>of</strong> Italian industry results in the<br />
concentration o f a very large proportion o f total investment in a very few firms.<br />
The iron and steel industry<br />
PART IV : ECON OM IC GEOGRAPHY<br />
The expansion o f her iron and steel industry is <strong>of</strong>ten quoted as an indication <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Italy</strong>’s successful industrialization in recent years; between 1953 and 1963 her<br />
^The restriction <strong>of</strong> credit and the calling in <strong>of</strong> loans by the banks in 1963 caused serious<br />
embarrassment, particularly in the building industry.<br />
* Recent examples are Shell’s investment in Montecatini, and the acquisition <strong>of</strong> a controlling<br />
interest by G E C in Olivetti, by Gevaert in Ferrania and by S K F in R IV .<br />
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