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DDK HistoryF.p65 - CSIR

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1.1J GANGEYADEVA ‘AND BENGAL 3<br />

(written about A.D. 1030), taking the epithet to mean ‘conqueror of<br />

Bengal.’ As usual, doubt was immediately cast upon<br />

the identification. The couple of Sanskrit inscriptions of the Kalacuri<br />

dynast which survive contain neither the special epithets nor<br />

supporting evidence for the conquest. A good photostat of the codex<br />

exhibited at Lahore in 1940 enabled one of the scholars present to<br />

notice that the colophon had been misread : the correct title was<br />

gamda-dhvaja, which meant slight modification of one letter, with<br />

completely changed meaning. Far from being a conqueror of Bengal,<br />

the princeling was at most a follower of the god Visnu, who rides the<br />

mythical garuda eagle with which the royal banner was presumably<br />

emblazoned. The most plausible current interpretation is that we have<br />

here mention of a minor subordinate chieftain of southern (Rastrakuta)<br />

descent who ruled over a small portion of Bihar, in the year A.D. 1019-<br />

20, the period when Muslims were consolidating their hold over the<br />

north-west. That such miserable sources have to be discussed at<br />

great length for a comparatively recent well-documented period shows<br />

without further argument the straits to which the formal historian is<br />

reduced in India.<br />

However, classical European historical records do not by<br />

themselves convey full meaning to the reader, nor do they constitute<br />

a balanced history. Anyone can enjoy a good translation of Polybius,<br />

Livy, or Tacitus for the clarity of style, restraint in panegyric, unadorned<br />

narrative. Nevertheless, for a real history of Rome, one would have<br />

to read Theodor Mommsen’s Romische Geschichte, or the<br />

corresponding volumes oi the Cambridge history. Only a part of the<br />

difference between the classical text and its modern interpreters is<br />

due to comparison of several writers. The results of internal and<br />

external text-criticism are perhaps seen at their best in Grote’s History<br />

of Greece, with its patient, beautifully written, enduringly useful analysis<br />

of Athenian democracy. Mere textual erudition does not suffice to explain<br />

the greatness and validity of such a magnificent individual effort as<br />

Eduard Meyer’s Geschichte des Altertums, let alone the works of<br />

cooperative scholarship on the history of antiquity that now hold the<br />

field.

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