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DDK HistoryF.p65 - CSIR

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NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII 293<br />

between S. L. Katare and Mirashi, JNSL 16, 1954, 77-85, and the not« by P. L.<br />

Gupta, ibid. 86-9. Satavahana silver coins are rare, which means that they mostly<br />

used other people’s currency, occasionally counterstruck as with Nahapana and<br />

Gotamiputra; northern punch-marked coins also circulated in the south at this time, so<br />

that new coinage by the Satakanis in a silver-poor region was not necessary. The<br />

absence of such coinage would indicate the prevalence of barter-exchange for the<br />

common people.<br />

4. J. Przyluski : JRAS, 1929, pp. 273-279; terminations — karna such as in<br />

Tunakarna, Masurakarna and perhaps Jatukanna lead to the suspicion of other Such<br />

clan-names (JAOS. 75, p. 41, footnote 9).<br />

5. J. H. Speke : A journal of the discovery of the sources of the Nile, chap. 1 ;<br />

originally published London 1863, but the Everyman’s Library ed. (no. 50) gives the<br />

details on pp. 25-7, with map. Lieut. Francis Wilford’s article was published in the<br />

Asiatick Researches 3, 1801 ; it is remarkable that anyone should have approached<br />

the confused puranas with such assurance, to make an ingenious conjecture, so<br />

triumphantly verified. The contradiction came four years later in the same journal,<br />

blaming the pandit for whose work no credit had been given in Wilford’s<br />

earlier work.<br />

6. For the asvamedha sacrifices of Pus.yamitra, ITM. 175 ff. Tho<br />

Malavikagnimitra reference is made more likely by a Harivamsa (3.2.40) stanza to<br />

the effect that a Kasyapa senani (commander-in-chief) would perform the horsesacrifice.<br />

The gotra is wrong, but the title senani was continued at least by the early<br />

Suhgas on their coins, one having been found at Kosam. Pusyamitra was not the only<br />

one to perform such a sacrifice, but the impression was apparently heightened by his<br />

having been the first to do so after the Asokan ban.<br />

7. The most reasonable interpretation of the Vikrama era may b« that extracted<br />

from the story of the Jain dcarya Kalaka. The 2000fh anniversary of Vikrama was<br />

celebrated with due pomp in 1943, though neither press-agents nor the luminaries<br />

publicized were able to shed any light on the problem. The memorial volumes issued<br />

on that occasion proves only the futility of such “research” : in English, Vikrama<br />

volume (Ujjain, Scindia Or. Inst., 1948) in Hindi, Vikrama nibandha sarftgraha (Kanpur,<br />

1944?). None of the mutually contradictory essays in such volumes proves anything<br />

beyond the will to believe.<br />

8. For the Manusmrti, I use in general the standard Nirnaysagar Press text with<br />

commentary of Kulluka; also the edition (Calcutta 1932) by Ganganath Jha with<br />

commentary of Medhatithi; the translation is by G. Biihler, SEE. 25. Whatever the<br />

locality of origins, the work is well suited to the village economy and the village<br />

priest’s mentality, which account for its growing authority.<br />

9. See my note on The avatar a syncretism and possible sources of the<br />

Bhagavadgita (JBBRAS. 24-25, 1948-9, 121-134).<br />

10. For the Heliodoros inscription : V. S. Suktfiankar, ABORI 1.59-66; collected<br />

works (Memorial edition), vol. 2 pp. 266-272 proved the word-order and terminology

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