JOURNALfor the STUDYof ANTISEMITISM
JOURNALfor the STUDYof ANTISEMITISM
JOURNALfor the STUDYof ANTISEMITISM
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2011] TERROR NETWORKS 145<br />
few days after <strong>the</strong> “Gaza Flotilla” incident. The proposal was rejected, but<br />
almost one third of <strong>the</strong> member states supported it.<br />
Even more sensitive—and, indeed, a threat to regional stability—is <strong>the</strong><br />
permission granted by Chávez for <strong>the</strong> construction of an Iranian missile<br />
base on Venezuelan soil. According to a report originally published by <strong>the</strong><br />
German daily Die Welt in November 2010, <strong>the</strong> facilities will include <strong>the</strong><br />
deployment of platforms for storage of missiles with diverse ranges, plus<br />
four mobile platforms, which will be operated by <strong>the</strong> Iranian Revolutionary<br />
Guard. The agreement grants permission to Iran to open fire “in case of<br />
emergency.” The installations are scheduled for activation by <strong>the</strong> end of<br />
2011.<br />
NAZI SAFE HAVEN FOR TERRORISTS<br />
Opposite ALBA’s partnership with Iran is Argentina’s judicial case<br />
against a group of high-level Iranian officials for <strong>the</strong>ir alleged responsibility<br />
in <strong>the</strong> bombing of <strong>the</strong> AMIA Jewish Center on July 18, 1994, which left 85<br />
people dead and hundreds injured. A special investigation unit, led by Chief<br />
Prosecutor Alberto Nisman, has concluded that <strong>the</strong> attack was decided by<br />
<strong>the</strong> highest Iranian political leadership, including former president Hashemi<br />
Rafsanjani and former foreign minister Alí Akbar Velayati. A key role was<br />
played by <strong>the</strong> former cultural attaché to Argentina, Sheikh Mohsen Rabbani,<br />
who played <strong>the</strong> part of a field commander. The warrants were<br />
endorsed by Interpol with “Red Notice” status, with <strong>the</strong> exception of Rafsanjani,<br />
Velayati, and Hadi Soleimanpour (former Iranian ambassador to<br />
Argentina), because <strong>the</strong>y were considered “high authorities.” This does not<br />
diminish <strong>the</strong>ir alleged responsibility. 7<br />
The Argentine government backed <strong>the</strong> judicial case actively. Both <strong>the</strong><br />
late former president Néstor Kirchner and current president Cristina Kirchner<br />
condemned Iran’s protection to <strong>the</strong> suspects at successive editions of <strong>the</strong><br />
UN General Assembly, and demanded that <strong>the</strong>y be submitted to a court<br />
trial.<br />
These initiatives from <strong>the</strong> Argentine authorities have caused a reaction<br />
from Iran: <strong>the</strong>y of course dismissed <strong>the</strong> charges, started to co-opt Argentine<br />
7. According to <strong>the</strong> prosecutor’s indictment, <strong>the</strong> AMIA attack was decided on<br />
August 13, 1993, in Mashad (Iran). In addition to <strong>the</strong> names mentioned above,<br />
warrants were issued against Mohsen Rezai (commander of <strong>the</strong> Pasdaran–Iranian<br />
revolutionary guard), Ahmad Vahidi (commander of <strong>the</strong> Al Quds force), Ali Fallahijan<br />
(former intelligence and security minister), Ahmad Reza Asghari (third secretary<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Iranian Embassy to Argentina, between 1991 and 1994), and Imad<br />
Mougnieh (Hizbollah security chief, murdered February 2008).