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the CYPAL process. Oriners‟ ownership status enables relatively unrestricted management<br />

action by Indigenous land managers across the entire property, generating fewer of the<br />

tensions ex<strong>pre</strong>ssed in the comments above, even if resource and logistical constraints<br />

remain critical issues for property management in the wider area (including in the National<br />

Parks themselves). However as <strong>pre</strong>viously stated, the KALNRMO have also actively sought<br />

<strong>to</strong> push the CYPAL models in the direction of greater Indigenous self-government and<br />

independence, <strong>with</strong> a key argument <strong>be</strong>ing an extended track record of successful<br />

management action dating back <strong>to</strong> 1990. Other groups and individuals involved in the<br />

CYPAL processes may <strong>not</strong> <strong>be</strong> able <strong>to</strong> rely on such a record of capacity and cohesion in<br />

arguing for independent Indigenous management structures and resources. The above<br />

comments are from individuals, but they point <strong>to</strong> some of the potential tensions and<br />

compromises involved in the CYPAL process and the decision making and resourcing<br />

models that emerge from it. As a property purchased by Indigenous people on the open<br />

market <strong>with</strong> community funds, Oriners (and Sef<strong>to</strong>n) will always <strong>be</strong> locally distinctive. However<br />

the degree <strong>to</strong> which both are distinctive in terms of resourcing, management structures, and<br />

management priorities will largely depend on future negotiations <strong>be</strong>tween the relevant<br />

Indigenous groups associated <strong>with</strong> each station and DERM. In these negotiations, the<br />

demonstrated local Indigenous management capacity and the willingness of DERM <strong>to</strong><br />

devolve responsibility and control <strong>to</strong> local managers will <strong>be</strong> crucial. Regardless of the exact<br />

outcome of those negotiations, the fact remains that Oriners now has an additional layer of<br />

significance and cultural and ecological connectivity <strong>be</strong>cause of changing land tenure and<br />

management orientation in the properties surrounding it. The full implications of these<br />

changes will only <strong>be</strong> clear over time.<br />

1.8 Summary<br />

The above sections provide some key framing concepts, his<strong>to</strong>rical events, and reference<br />

points for the material which follows:<br />

„Working Knowledge‟ descri<strong>be</strong>s both the conditions under which the ecological<br />

knowledge emphasised here was learned, its adaptive and provisional quality, and its<br />

orientation <strong>to</strong> future NRM work on the station.<br />

„Flooded forest country‟ descri<strong>be</strong>s the two distinctive characteristics of the Oriners<br />

area- its seasonal flooding regime and the particular habitat types that characterise it<br />

when compared <strong>with</strong> both the coastal lowlands of the Kowanyama area and the<br />

higher hills elsewhere on the Cape. The forested and seasonally boggy landscape<br />

resulted in low s<strong>to</strong>cking rates and minimal fencing during the pas<strong>to</strong>ral era, as well as<br />

low residential population and through-traffic levels.<br />

„Forest people‟ can <strong>be</strong> <strong>used</strong> as a term <strong>to</strong> collectively descri<strong>be</strong> those Indigenous<br />

people <strong>with</strong> traditional and kinship ties <strong>to</strong> the area, but „the Oriners Mob‟ at<br />

Kowanyama is also commonly employed <strong>to</strong> descri<strong>be</strong> the overlapping group of people<br />

directly involved in the planning, management, and work associated <strong>with</strong> the station -<br />

the process of developing „working knowledge‟ about the station is an ongoing one.<br />

Reviewing the recent his<strong>to</strong>ry of Oriners shows how stable ownership has <strong>be</strong>en over<br />

time, <strong>with</strong> just the Hughes family and the Kowanyama people possessing it since it<br />

was first separately constituted in the 1940s. Indigenous and non-Indigenous<br />

cattlemen worked it for several decades, and the knowledge gained by Indigenous<br />

cattlemen has <strong>be</strong>en important in the post-pas<strong>to</strong>ral management era.<br />

Literature and archival sources do exist for the area, and the approach taken in this<br />

study is designed <strong>to</strong> complement rather than duplicate existing resources<br />

The commercial purchase of Oriners gives people significant management au<strong>to</strong>nomy<br />

in a region where tenure is shifting <strong>to</strong> NRM-oriented and/or Indigenous management,<br />

but under different operating conditions from the Oriners lease. It is therefore part of a<br />

growing assemblage of properties whose combined scale may <strong>be</strong> <strong>be</strong>tter able <strong>to</strong><br />

accommodate local Indigenous forms of governance, but Oriners is also distinct from<br />

them in the au<strong>to</strong>nomy if offers local Indigenous managers.<br />

Working Knowledge at Oriners Station, Cape York<br />

35

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