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Linguistics Encyclopedia.pdf

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The linguistics encyclopedia 112<br />

in certain respects more complex than their lexical-source languages in<br />

that they made some grammatical and semantic distinctions not made in<br />

the European languages…. [They] often use quite different words for ‘be’<br />

depending on whether the following element is a noun phrase, an<br />

adjective, or an indication of location.<br />

In addition, a ‘highlighter be’ exists, the function of which is to bring the following<br />

words into focus rather like extra stress on a word in English or like introducing it with<br />

it’s as in It’s Jane who lives here (not Elizabeth) (Holm, 1988, p. 179).<br />

Serial verbs, that is, a series of two or more verbs which are not joined by-a<br />

conjunction such as and or by a complemetizer such as to, and which share a subject, are<br />

also a common feature of creoles. These often function as adverbs and prepositions in<br />

European languages, to indicate (1) directionality, as in Jamaican Creole English, ron go<br />

lef im, ‘run go leave him’, meaning ‘run away from him’; or (2) instrumentality, as in<br />

Ndjuka, a teke nefi koti a meti, ‘he took knife cut the meat’, meaning ‘he cut the meat<br />

with a knife’. In addition, serial ‘give’ can be used to mean ‘to’ or ‘for’, and serial ‘say’<br />

can be used to mean ‘that’ when introducing a quotation or a that-sentence. Serial<br />

‘pass’/‘surpass’/‘exceed’ can be used to indicate comparison. Similar construction types<br />

are found in many African languages (Holm, 1988, pp. 183–90).<br />

THE ORIGIN OF PIDGINS<br />

One of the most important theories to surface at the first conference on pidgin and creole<br />

linguistics in Jamaica in 1959 (see above, p. 82) was the idea that all or most pidgins or<br />

creoles could be traced back to one common source, a Portuguese-based pidgin<br />

developed in the fifteenth century in Africa, which was later relexified, translated word<br />

for word, into the pidgins with other European bases which gave rise to modern creoles.<br />

This theory is known as the theory of monogenesis (one origin) or relexification, and it<br />

originates in its modern form in Whinnom’s (1956) observation of the strong similarities<br />

in terms of vocabulary and structure between Philippine Creole Spanish and Ternate<br />

(Indonesia) Creole Portuguese. He hypothesized that a seventeenth-century pidgin<br />

version of the latter, itself possibly an imitation of the Mediterranean lingua franca Sabir,<br />

had been transported to the Philippines.<br />

Others noted that many of the features of Philippine Creole Spanish were also present<br />

in Caribbean creoles, in Chinese Pidgin English and in Tok Pisin, but that these had been<br />

relexified (Taylor, 1959, 1960; Thompson, 1961; Stewart, 1962a; Whinnom, 1965;<br />

Voorhoeve, 1973). Stewart (1962a) pointed out that while speakers from opposite ends of<br />

the Caribbean were able to converse in their French-based creoles, neither would easily<br />

be able to converse with a French speaker. So whereas the similarity of vocabulary could<br />

account for some mutual intelligibility, it was in fact syntactic similarity which was the<br />

more important factor, and this syntactic similarity pointed to a common origin for the<br />

French-based creoles.<br />

In contrast to the monogenesis theory, Hall (1962) argued that pidgins would arise<br />

spontaneously wherever and whenever a need for a language of minimal communication<br />

arose, and that these could then be creolized. This view is known as the theory of

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