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Linguistics Encyclopedia.pdf

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A-Z 563<br />

numerous, Austin hoped that it might be possible to arrive at some broad classes of<br />

speech act under which large numbers of more delicately distinguished speech acts might<br />

fall. To arrive at these broad classes, he distinguished among a number of illocutionary<br />

forces that a speech act might have.<br />

The illocutionary force of an utterance is distinguished from its locution and from its<br />

perlocutionary effect as follows.<br />

Every time we direct language at some audience, we perform three simultaneous acts:<br />

a locutionary act, an illocutionary act, and a perlocutionary act.<br />

To perform a locutionary act is to say something in what Austin (1962, p. 94) calls<br />

‘the full normal sense’. It includes:<br />

1 The phonic act: uttering noises, phones.<br />

2 The phatic act: uttering noises as belonging to a certain vocabulary and conforming to<br />

a certain grammar, that is, as being part of a certain language. The noises seen from<br />

this perspective are called phemes.<br />

3 The rhetic act: using these noises with a certain sense and reference (see<br />

PHILOSOPHY OF LANGUAGE, pp. 332–3). The noises seen from this perspective<br />

are called rhemes.<br />

These three simultaneous acts make up the locutionary act. However, each time one<br />

performs a locutionary act, one is also thereby performing some illocutionary act, such<br />

as stating, promising, warning, betting, etc. If a hearer, through his or her knowledge of<br />

the conventions of the language, grasps what one is doing, there is uptake on his or her<br />

part of the illocutionary force of the utterance. The effect the illocutionary act has on the<br />

hearer is called the perlocutionary act, such as persuading, deterring, surprising,<br />

misleading, or convincing. Perlocutionary acts are performed by saying something rather<br />

than in saying it.<br />

Austin (1962, Lecture 12) suggests that it is possible to distinguish a number of broad<br />

classes or families of speech acts, classified according to their illocutionary force. He<br />

suggests the following classes:<br />

1 Verdictives typified by the giving of a verdict, estimate, reckoning or appraisal; giving<br />

a finding.<br />

2 Excersitives: the exercising of powers, rights or influence, exemplified by voting,<br />

ordering, urging, advising, warning, etc.<br />

3 Commissives, typified by promising or otherwise undertaking (ibid., pp. 151–2): ‘they<br />

commit you to doing something, but include also declarations or announcements of<br />

intention, which are not promises, and also rather vague things which we might call<br />

espousals, as for example, siding with’.<br />

4 Behavitives, which have to do with social behaviour and attitudes, for example<br />

apologizing, congratulating, commending, condoling, cursing, and challenging.<br />

5 Expositives, which make it clear how our utterances fit into the course of an argument<br />

or conversation—how we are using words. In a way, these might be classed as<br />

metalinguistic, as part of the language we are using about language. Examples are I<br />

reply; I argue; I concede; I illustrate; I assume; I postulate.<br />

Austin is quite clear that there are many marginal cases, and many instances of overlap,<br />

and a very large body of research exists as a result of people’s efforts to arrive at more

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