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340 Notes <strong>to</strong> pages 196–213<br />

18. Palmer (1976, 128–29); Davidson (1979, 94); Pereira (1994, 99). See chapter 9 for<br />

details of <strong>the</strong> treaty.<br />

19. Villaverde (1982, 37, 43, 45, 46 passim); La Rosa Corzo (2003, 213, 235 passim).<br />

20. The <strong>in</strong>formation about <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> Creole <strong>and</strong> African settlements<br />

is somewhat contradic<strong>to</strong>ry, as can be seen <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> pages that I have cited from Borrego<br />

Plá’s work.<br />

21. La Rosa Corzo (2003, 21), writ<strong>in</strong>g about Cuba, states that “[t]he <strong>runaways</strong> liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong><br />

settlements were not traders; <strong>the</strong>y were marg<strong>in</strong>alized <strong>and</strong> hunted down”. This is<br />

clearly much <strong>to</strong>o sweep<strong>in</strong>g a statement.<br />

22. See also Palmer (1976, 128–29).<br />

23. Campbell (1990, 95) states that <strong>the</strong> Jamaican Maroons sometimes sent “threaten<strong>in</strong>g”<br />

messages <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> planters. This was perhaps a more subtle form of taunt<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Maroon context. See chapter 9 for fur<strong>the</strong>r discussion on taunt<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

24. See also Hoogbergen (1985, 84–85).<br />

25. See Thorn<strong>to</strong>n (1991, 58–80) for a discussion of African military weapons <strong>and</strong> techniques<br />

that might have been employed dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Haitian Revolution <strong>and</strong> at o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

times.<br />

26. The outst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g roles of <strong>the</strong> Sem<strong>in</strong>ole Maroons <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> various European wars of <strong>the</strong><br />

first half of <strong>the</strong> n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century are well documented <strong>in</strong> Mulroy’s (1993) excellent<br />

book.<br />

27. Zips (1999, 86) is quite wrong when he asserts that “Machetes were so highly valued<br />

by <strong>the</strong> Maroons [of Jamaica] because of <strong>the</strong>ir superiority <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> firearms. . . . The<br />

‘combolo’ [machete] <strong>the</strong>refore assumed mythical proportions, feared exceed<strong>in</strong>gly by<br />

<strong>the</strong> colonial troops.” Similarly, his (1999, 86) citation of Montejo’s acclamation of <strong>the</strong><br />

virtues of <strong>the</strong> Cuban machete over <strong>the</strong> Spanish firearm <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cuban War of<br />

Independence was more ex post fac<strong>to</strong> glorification of this weapon than reality <strong>in</strong> contemporary<br />

times.<br />

28. Iron was so important <strong>in</strong> traditional African societies that some communities revered<br />

local blacksmiths as mystical figures (Laude 1973, 42; Gillon 1991, 105). For a speculative<br />

discourse on secret African iron-work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Caribbean, see Goucher (1990,<br />

201–7). See Jean Libby (1992) for an <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g, though perhaps controversial,<br />

discussion of iron-work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Africa, on <strong>the</strong> American plantations <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> Maroon<br />

communities.<br />

29. See also Kent (1979, 177).<br />

Chapter 7<br />

1. Díez Castillo (1981, 49) says much <strong>the</strong> same th<strong>in</strong>g about <strong>the</strong> Maroons <strong>in</strong> Panama.<br />

2. The relationship between Gr<strong>and</strong>y Nanny <strong>and</strong> Cuffee, who led <strong>the</strong> negotiations with

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