The genesis <strong>of</strong> an idea 1398 “M. Say has, however, most satisfactorily shown that there is no amount <strong>of</strong> capital thatmay not be employed <strong>in</strong> a country, because a dem<strong>and</strong> is only limited by production”(Ricardo 1951 [1817]: 290). In a footnote, Ricardo has a backh<strong>and</strong>ed reference tomarket forces, though not specifically to price- or wage-flexibility. He criticizes AdamSmith for seem<strong>in</strong>g to imply that Engl<strong>and</strong>’s capital might rema<strong>in</strong> unemployed <strong>in</strong> theabsence <strong>of</strong> a foreign market for British products. Ricardo argues that the capital will f<strong>in</strong>duse domestically, <strong>and</strong>, with<strong>in</strong> this specific context, argues thatIt is, however, always a matter <strong>of</strong> choice <strong>in</strong> what way a capital will be employed, <strong>and</strong>therefore there can never for any length <strong>of</strong> time be a surplus <strong>of</strong> any commodity; for ifthere were, it would fall below its natural price, <strong>and</strong> capital would be removed tosome more pr<strong>of</strong>itable employment. No writer has more ably <strong>and</strong> satisfactorily shownthan Dr. Smith the tendency <strong>of</strong> capital to move from employments <strong>in</strong> which thegoods produced do not repay by their price the whole expenses, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g theord<strong>in</strong>ary pr<strong>of</strong>its, <strong>of</strong> produc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g them to market.(Ricardo 1951 [1817]: n. 3, 193–4)As is <strong>of</strong>ten the case for Ricardo, the question <strong>of</strong> the speed <strong>of</strong> the implied adjustment isdeftly f<strong>in</strong>essed (what is “any length <strong>of</strong> time”? how fast-act<strong>in</strong>g is “a tendency”?). Back <strong>in</strong>the text, as part <strong>of</strong> his argument that dem<strong>and</strong> for luxuries is <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ite, he seeks to establishthat the supply <strong>of</strong> such goods will be readily forthcom<strong>in</strong>g: “The poor, <strong>in</strong> order to obta<strong>in</strong>food, exert themselves to gratify those fancies <strong>of</strong> the rich; <strong>and</strong> to obta<strong>in</strong> it more certa<strong>in</strong>ly,they vie with one another <strong>in</strong> the cheapness <strong>and</strong> perfection <strong>of</strong> their work .. . Hence arisesa dem<strong>and</strong> for every sort <strong>of</strong> material which human <strong>in</strong>vention can employ ... ” (Ricardo1951 [1817]: 197).These isolated passages, however, do not add up to an argument that Ricardo’sprimary macroeconomic focus was on wage <strong>and</strong> price flexibility. Like Mill <strong>and</strong> Say, thecrucial po<strong>in</strong>t to be established was that dem<strong>and</strong> was unlimited, given the means topurchase. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, when challenged by Malthus specifically on the question<strong>of</strong> wage-flexibility, Ricardo was quick to contest the assertion <strong>of</strong> wage-stick<strong>in</strong>ess. WhenMalthus claimed that “We know from repeated experience that the money price <strong>of</strong>labour never falls till many workmen have been for some time out <strong>of</strong> work” (Letter <strong>of</strong>Malthus to Ricardo, 16 July, 1821), Ricardo denied it vigorously, respond<strong>in</strong>g thatI know no such th<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> if wages were previously high, I can see no reason whateverwhy they should not fall before many labourers are thrown out <strong>of</strong> work. All generalreason<strong>in</strong>g I apprehend is <strong>in</strong> favour <strong>of</strong> my view <strong>of</strong> this question, for why should someagree to go without any wages while others were most liberally rewarded.(Letter from Ricardo to Malthus, 21 July, 1821)The question however is not whether Ricardo <strong>and</strong>, presumably, the other Classicalsbelieved <strong>in</strong> wage/price flexibility, but rather, as discussed <strong>in</strong> the text, what was its role <strong>in</strong>their macroeconomics.9 While Ricardo emphasized transitions from war to peace <strong>in</strong> his discussion, we can easilyimag<strong>in</strong>e macroeconomic disturbances such as confusion between nom<strong>in</strong>al <strong>and</strong> realforces (Pr<strong>in</strong>ciples, 297–8) as likely causes <strong>of</strong> similar events, if we assume they lead to aconsiderable build-up <strong>of</strong> excess capital stock.10 A glance at recent graduate macro (or micro) textbooks, with their now-st<strong>and</strong>ardassumptions <strong>of</strong> (1) <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itely-divisible (2) homogeneous capital that is (3) exclusivelyacquired <strong>in</strong> debt-free ways, suggests that the field has yet to seriously confront the thornydifficulties posed by true-to-life capital. For two useful treatments from outside the ma<strong>in</strong>stream<strong>of</strong> such difficulties, see Garrison (2001) <strong>and</strong> Davidson (2002). For a broad,<strong>in</strong>sightful survey on capital’s role <strong>in</strong> economic theory, see Lew<strong>in</strong> (1999).11 “It is observable, moreover, that precisely at the same time that one commodity makes aloss, another commodity is mak<strong>in</strong>g excessive pr<strong>of</strong>it” (Say 1983 [1803]: 16).12 “ ... as there may be a temporary excess <strong>of</strong> any one article considered separately, so may
140 Michael R. Montgomerythere <strong>of</strong> commodities generally, not <strong>in</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> over-production, but <strong>of</strong> a want <strong>of</strong>commercial confidence” (Mill 1983 [1844]: 45, the last l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> his essay).13 Perhaps – to <strong>in</strong>dulge for a moment <strong>in</strong> pure speculation – they also sensed other complications,such as the general equilibrium problem at the heart <strong>of</strong> the macro-adjustmentquestion, with prices <strong>of</strong> some be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>comes <strong>of</strong> others (see <strong>Yeager</strong> 1999 for a usefuldiscussion <strong>of</strong> the advantages <strong>of</strong> the general equilibrium approach <strong>in</strong> macroeconomics).14 Another reason for these assertions is that the Classicals were engaged <strong>in</strong> a contest <strong>of</strong>ideas with the Mercantilists <strong>and</strong> their view <strong>of</strong> “bullion <strong>and</strong> treasure as the essence <strong>of</strong>wealth” (Blaug 1978: 10). However, many <strong>of</strong> these statements occurred <strong>in</strong> the midst <strong>of</strong> adiscussion <strong>of</strong> Say’s Law, not Mercantilism.15 This paper, with its emphasis on Say’s Law, has somewhat de-emphasized the pathbreak<strong>in</strong>gcontributions <strong>of</strong> David Hume. Hume perceived, as an empirical observation,that periods <strong>of</strong> money <strong>in</strong>flow corresponded to periods where “<strong>in</strong>dustry has encreased”(1970 [1752]: 37) <strong>and</strong> vice versa (p. 40), <strong>and</strong> he even reached the momentous deductionthat it is only <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terval while prices are adjust<strong>in</strong>g that such monetary change has realeffects (ibid.: 38, 40). Moreover, Hume saw that such effects are symmetric, s<strong>in</strong>cethe alterations <strong>in</strong> the quantity <strong>of</strong> money, either on one side or the other, are notimmediately attended with proportionable alterations <strong>in</strong> the price <strong>of</strong> commodities.There is always an <strong>in</strong>terval before matters be adjusted to their new situation; <strong>and</strong> this<strong>in</strong>terval is as pernicious to <strong>in</strong>dustry, when gold <strong>and</strong> silver are dim<strong>in</strong>ish<strong>in</strong>g, as it isadvantageous when these metals are encreas<strong>in</strong>g.(1970 [1752]: 40)But Hume addressed only cases <strong>of</strong> change <strong>in</strong> money supply. Of Mill’s notion thatchanges <strong>in</strong> money dem<strong>and</strong> might occur <strong>and</strong> generate analogous effects, we see no sign <strong>in</strong>his essay. In fact, Hume’s essay aggressively denies that money is anyth<strong>in</strong>g but a medium<strong>of</strong>-exchange<strong>and</strong> a unit-<strong>of</strong>-account.16 For example, Ricardo, <strong>in</strong> his Chapter XXI <strong>in</strong> the Pr<strong>in</strong>ciples on the effects <strong>of</strong> accumulation,briefly discusses how a substantial change <strong>in</strong> the money supply can impact the rate<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>terest dur<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>terval <strong>of</strong> adjustment, <strong>and</strong> – though he does not say so – one mayargue this would have an aggregate impact (1951 [1817]: 297–8). Just prior to thesethoughts, Ricardo traces out the bare bones <strong>of</strong> a money-driven cycle based on confusion<strong>of</strong> real <strong>and</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>al effects (ibid.). But Ricardo discusses these with<strong>in</strong> the context <strong>of</strong> as<strong>in</strong>gle representative merchant, <strong>and</strong> does not go on to draw out any economy-wideimplications from these <strong>in</strong>sights. Moroever, he places no special emphasis on thesepassages – they are merely rum<strong>in</strong>ations <strong>in</strong> the midst <strong>of</strong> other loosely related rum<strong>in</strong>ations.17 In this one sense, the Real Bus<strong>in</strong>ess Cycle school is truly Classical <strong>in</strong> its orientation.Such was also Wesley Mitchell’s approach <strong>in</strong> his Bus<strong>in</strong>ess Cycles (Mitchell 1913). But,historically, these movements are exceptions to the rule started by Mill <strong>in</strong> his UnsettledQuestions essay.18 In the Unsettled Questions, Mill had expressed concerns that the phrase “excess <strong>of</strong> allcommodities” should, “perhaps,” not be used, s<strong>in</strong>ce the phrase wrongly suggests “theidea <strong>of</strong> excessive production” (1983 [1844]: 43). Of course, an “excess <strong>of</strong> all commodities”is just the “flip-side” <strong>of</strong> an “under-supply <strong>of</strong> money.” One is rem<strong>in</strong>ded <strong>of</strong> the ancientPythagoreans, who suppressed knowledge <strong>of</strong> the square root <strong>of</strong> two due to their beliefthat all numbers should be derivable from the ratios <strong>of</strong> other numbers, a trait not sharedby the square root <strong>of</strong> two (see Sagan 1980: 185). If some Pythagoreanesque desire tosuppress the full implications <strong>of</strong> his concept did lead Mill to tone down its presentation <strong>in</strong>the Pr<strong>in</strong>ciples, it is ironic. It is doubtful that Keynes (1965 [1936]: 18–21) could haveproceeded with his famously distorted <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> Mill, based on the chapter “OfExcess <strong>of</strong> Supply” <strong>in</strong> the Pr<strong>in</strong>ciples, had Mill <strong>in</strong>cluded there more <strong>of</strong> his discussion <strong>in</strong> theUnsettled Questions.
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Money and MarketsIn recent decades,
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The Cultural Foundations ofEconomic
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First published 2006by Routledge2 P
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viiiContents9 The genesis of an ide
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ContributorsJürgen G. Backhaus is
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Preface and acknowledgmentsLeland B
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1 A zeal for truthRoger KopplIf the
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A zeal for truth 3kind of decision-
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A zeal for truth 5and attributes to
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A zeal for truth 7“30 years to th
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A zeal for truth 9I have a $10 bank
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A zeal for truth 11conversation, Ye
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A zeal for truth 13a market economy
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A zeal for truth 15of “approval o
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A zeal for truth 17to offer about e
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A zeal for truth 19Klappholz, K. an
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2 The Yeager mystiqueA profile of t
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The Yeager mystique 23students bent
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The Yeager mystique 25Yeager’s pe
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The Yeager mystique 27none, but not
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The Yeager mystique 29demeanor coul
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The Yeager mystique 31wanted to cou
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The Yeager mystique 33The common id
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The Virginia renaissance in politic
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4 LelandA personal appreciationGord
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Leland, a personal appreciation 47I
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Good ideas and bad regressions 67I
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Good ideas and bad regressions 81th
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7 Pluralism, formalism, andAmerican
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14 Leland Yeager’s utilitarianism
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Leland Yeager’s utilitarianism as
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15 Ethnic conflict and theeconomics
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NotesEthnic conflict and the econom
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The legacy of Bismarck 243War, the
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The legacy of Bismarck 245people wo
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The legacy of Bismarck 247system, b
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The legacy of Bismarck 249Old age i
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IndexAckley, G., Macroeconomic Theo
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Marshall, A.: approach to economics
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concerns 10-11, 150; monetarydisequ