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Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

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84 Harry L<strong>and</strong>reth <strong>and</strong> David C. Col<strong>and</strong>ercommitted world, be<strong>in</strong>g out <strong>of</strong> step with the ma<strong>in</strong>stream should be a strength. In apr<strong>of</strong>ession devoted to a pluralist methodology, researchers would turn to those whoare out <strong>of</strong> step for applicable solutions, because the <strong>in</strong>sights one might ga<strong>in</strong> fromthem would likely be higher than from other sources. Lel<strong>and</strong> <strong>Yeager</strong> certa<strong>in</strong>lywould be considered pluralistic <strong>and</strong> open; <strong>in</strong> his work he has demonstrated a will<strong>in</strong>gnessto give every view consideration, <strong>and</strong> he has always dealt seriously withthose that he felt met his st<strong>and</strong>ard <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>sightfulness, regardless <strong>of</strong> whether theyadvanced an “<strong>in</strong>” theory or not. He follows a self-described libert<strong>in</strong>e approach tomethodology. 2 His argumentation dem<strong>and</strong>s rigor but is almost impervious to ideologicalpositions – he criticizes ma<strong>in</strong>stream, Austrian, <strong>and</strong> radical economists withequal vigor.<strong>Yeager</strong> is <strong>in</strong> a small m<strong>in</strong>ority <strong>in</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g this pluralistic approach on either side<strong>of</strong> the formalist/nonformalist divide. Commitment to a pluralistic approach is nota characteristic <strong>of</strong> the pr<strong>of</strong>ession – <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> our view, his commitment to pluralismhas played an important role <strong>in</strong> reduc<strong>in</strong>g his work’s <strong>in</strong>fluence. 3 Our argument isthat a pluralist methodology, such as that practiced by Lel<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> that supportedby Morgan <strong>and</strong> Rutherford, is not a systemically stable methodology. This presentsa problem for researchers committed to a pluralist methodology: How does oneexist <strong>in</strong> a world that is not committed to pluralism? We see this question as a<strong>Yeager</strong>esque question; for Lel<strong>and</strong> there is no ideal world, there is only the world welive <strong>in</strong>. And <strong>in</strong> this world the periods <strong>of</strong> pluralism that we observe generally have notcome about because researchers have made a commitment to pluralism, but<strong>in</strong>stead because various oppos<strong>in</strong>g methodological groups have found themselves <strong>of</strong>roughly equal strength. The reality is that if you fall outside the methodologicalma<strong>in</strong>stream <strong>of</strong> your time, your work will get less consideration than it otherwisewould. It follows that, other th<strong>in</strong>gs be<strong>in</strong>g equal, methodological libert<strong>in</strong>es such as<strong>Yeager</strong> will have less success than methodologically committed <strong>in</strong>dividuals. Ourargument is not that this situation is good – <strong>in</strong> this paper we take <strong>Yeager</strong>’s commitmentto what is, rather than to what should be, seriously, <strong>and</strong> simply say that this isthe way it is: a commitment to pluralism is not an evolutionarily stable strategy.We raise these issues because they relate to how one might underst<strong>and</strong> thehistory <strong>of</strong> the pr<strong>of</strong>ession over the past century. Specifically, Morgan <strong>and</strong> Rutherford,hav<strong>in</strong>g considered that history, have described how the formalist revolutionwiped out the pluralism that existed <strong>in</strong> the early 1900s. In their story what they termneoclassical economics overcame a pluralistic <strong>in</strong>stitutionalist approach here <strong>in</strong> theUS, with the result that modern economics is far less pluralistic than it was earlier. 4They seem to lament both the formalization <strong>of</strong> economics <strong>and</strong> the loss <strong>of</strong> pluralismthat occurred <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terwar period. We f<strong>in</strong>d that story unsatisfy<strong>in</strong>g. We see thepluralism that existed then as a byproduct <strong>of</strong> other forces. It was simply a tem porarypart <strong>of</strong> a dynamic process <strong>in</strong> which the formalist <strong>and</strong> nonformalist methodologicalpositions were <strong>of</strong> somewhat equal strength. None <strong>of</strong> the players <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terwarperiod was so dom<strong>in</strong>ant that others were excluded from academic appo<strong>in</strong>tments atimportant graduate programs, from space <strong>in</strong> the major journals, from representation<strong>in</strong> the power structure <strong>of</strong> the American Economics Association, or fromresearch support. As we will show, our approach provides a different view <strong>of</strong> the

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