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Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

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12 Roger Kopplscholarly pr<strong>of</strong>ile. I hope this festschrift results <strong>in</strong> greater attention to <strong>Yeager</strong>’s work<strong>in</strong> monetary history.I said that <strong>Yeager</strong> is widely recognized as a monetary theorist <strong>of</strong> the highestorder. Steven Horwitz (Chapter 12) is probably right, however, to describe <strong>Yeager</strong>as possibly “the most underappreciated monetary theorist <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century.”I th<strong>in</strong>k L<strong>and</strong>reth <strong>and</strong> Col<strong>and</strong>er have identified one reason for this neglect. <strong>Yeager</strong>was a pluralist <strong>and</strong> not a committed formalist at a time <strong>of</strong> formalist hegemony.<strong>Yeager</strong> relied on sound microeconomic reason<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> an encyclopedic knowledge<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions, economic history, <strong>and</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> economic thought. Any careeristworth his salt would have relied almost exclusively on fashionable mathematicaltechnique. In <strong>Yeager</strong>’s h<strong>and</strong>s, monetary disequilibrium theory was historicallygrounded <strong>in</strong> both senses, that <strong>of</strong> economic history <strong>and</strong> that <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong>economic thought.In his contribution to this volume, Michael Montgomery (Chapter 9) also givesus an historical perspective on monetary disequilibrium theory. Like <strong>Yeager</strong> (1996),Montgomery traces the theory back to David Hume (1752). Montgomery givespride <strong>of</strong> place to John Stuart Mill, whose “<strong>in</strong>sights” from the Unsettled Questions essay(1844) “represent the start <strong>of</strong> monetary disequilbrium theory as that theory is conceived<strong>of</strong> today.” Montgomery takes aim at facile <strong>in</strong>terpretations <strong>of</strong> the classicals assimpletons who believed that prices <strong>and</strong> wages adjust too rapidly for unemploymentto develop <strong>in</strong> the wake <strong>of</strong> any shock. Montgomery says, “it is quite possible toargue plausibly that none <strong>of</strong> these three propositions – Say’s Law, price/wage flexibility,the neutrality <strong>of</strong> money – accurately characterize Classical macroeconomicthought, at least not <strong>in</strong> the simplistic forms <strong>in</strong> which modern parlance assertsthem.” In explor<strong>in</strong>g the orig<strong>in</strong>s on monetary disequilibrium theory, Montgomerycomes across an <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g puzzle <strong>in</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> economic thought. Why didMill permit only a weakened form <strong>of</strong> the theory <strong>in</strong>to his Pr<strong>in</strong>ciples <strong>of</strong> 1848?In his contribution to this volume, Jürgen Backhaus (Chapter 8) raises another<strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g question <strong>in</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> economic thought. Could <strong>Yeager</strong>’s favoriteeconomist, Walter Eucken, have been <strong>in</strong>fluenced by Friedrich Nietzsche? Thequestion may surprise some readers. Eucken was a free-market liberal <strong>and</strong> anarchitect <strong>of</strong> German “Ordo-Liberalismus.” Nietzsche’s philosophy is <strong>of</strong>tenassociated with illiberal views. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, Nietzsche has been given manyconflict<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terpretations <strong>and</strong>, as Backhaus shows, the liberal <strong>in</strong>terpretation is atleast a legitimate c<strong>and</strong>idate. And there is an <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> important po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong>common between them. Eucken, like Nietzsche, suffered a crisis “because he couldnot reconcile scripture <strong>and</strong> evidence.” They “nevertheless came to rather similarconclusions.” The heart <strong>of</strong> Nietzsche’s liberalism, if Backhaus is right, may be hiscelebration <strong>of</strong> the “sovereign <strong>in</strong>dividual” as “the ripest fruit” on the “tree” <strong>of</strong>European culture.The strength <strong>in</strong> Backhaus’s <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> Nietzsche is its basis <strong>in</strong> economics.How many scholars have exam<strong>in</strong>ed Nietzsche’s writ<strong>in</strong>gs from this particularvantage po<strong>in</strong>t? The two central po<strong>in</strong>ts are Nietzsche’s identification <strong>of</strong> man as the“animal which is able to make promises” while hav<strong>in</strong>g also the capacity <strong>of</strong> “forgetfulness.”Backhaus says, “Although Nietzsche does not fully work out the basic <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>of</strong>

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