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Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

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224 Laurence S. Mossdeportations. Let us call this type <strong>of</strong> government <strong>in</strong>tervention the “elim<strong>in</strong>ationistpolicy” (see Goldhagen 1996: 49–79). The macabre logic <strong>of</strong> efficiency does, however,admit the possibility that an elim<strong>in</strong>ationist social policy can be one powerfulsocial-welfare enhanc<strong>in</strong>g policy alternative. It is this aspect <strong>of</strong> the problem <strong>of</strong> ethicalnorms <strong>and</strong> economic science that I shall address here.Plan <strong>of</strong> this paperI shall proceed as follows. First, I shall p<strong>in</strong>po<strong>in</strong>t an important dist<strong>in</strong>ction that E.J.Hobsbawm <strong>and</strong> other writers have advanced about two notions <strong>of</strong> nationality(Hobsbawm 1990). In section 2, I argue that this modern mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the nationstate,when l<strong>in</strong>ked to the earlier notion <strong>of</strong> a nation as an adm<strong>in</strong>istrative unit, iscrucial for underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g the economic effects when dissent<strong>in</strong>g ethnic m<strong>in</strong>oritiesare segregated, marg<strong>in</strong>alized, <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> exceptional cases, banished from a territory.In section 3, I <strong>of</strong>fer a strictly abstract <strong>and</strong> fictional model <strong>of</strong> a large populationwhose members can be conveniently classified accord<strong>in</strong>g to two behavioralcharacteristics that have a direct <strong>and</strong> decided impact on both the creation <strong>and</strong>division <strong>of</strong> ga<strong>in</strong>s from trade. By assum<strong>in</strong>g that these behavioral characteristicscluster among ethnic groups, I speculate, <strong>in</strong> section 4, that the relentless logic <strong>of</strong>efficiency can be harnessed <strong>in</strong> scientific support <strong>of</strong> segregation, ethnic cleans<strong>in</strong>g,<strong>and</strong> the like. In section 5, I survey the historical record to f<strong>in</strong>d out if the ideaspresented <strong>in</strong> this paper have any relevance at all to the ethnic problems <strong>and</strong> abuses<strong>of</strong> our times. In section 6, I argue that orthodox economic reason<strong>in</strong>g is <strong>in</strong>capable <strong>of</strong>rul<strong>in</strong>g out the normative case for ethnic cleans<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> elim<strong>in</strong>ationist policy. Aconclud<strong>in</strong>g section 7 follows.1 Two notions <strong>of</strong> the nation-stateFollow<strong>in</strong>g Hobsbawm, we must dist<strong>in</strong>guish between two alternative mean<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong>the term nation (Hobsbawm 1990: 101–30). In 1776, Adam Smith <strong>of</strong>fered us acompell<strong>in</strong>g account <strong>of</strong> the manner <strong>and</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciples by which a nation – any nation– can grow wealthy. His was not a theory about French w<strong>in</strong>e makers, Scottishherders, or London craftsmen. Rather, his great book promulgated generalpr<strong>in</strong>ciples to guide policy makers <strong>in</strong> any geographical area, regardless <strong>of</strong> what tribesor ethnic groups resided there (Smith 1976 [1776]). Smith criticized the mercantilist<strong>and</strong> physiocratic “schools <strong>of</strong> thought” for misunderst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g both the nature <strong>and</strong>character <strong>of</strong> national wealth <strong>and</strong> how it is created <strong>and</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed. He did notcriticize them for misunderst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g the British temperament or the historic mission<strong>of</strong> the English people. His emphasis was on abstract pr<strong>in</strong>ciples <strong>of</strong> wealth creationthat were applicable to all people, everywhere <strong>and</strong> at all times.When Smith used terms like “nation” or “national,” he generally meant anorganized whole or <strong>in</strong>dependent political unit capable <strong>of</strong> mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> enforc<strong>in</strong>glaws over a geographic area <strong>and</strong> enter<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to treaties with other <strong>in</strong>dependentnations. Today, however, another mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the word nation has become moreprevalent among sociologists, political scientists, <strong>and</strong> anthropologists. It is now

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