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Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

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Monopoly politics <strong>and</strong> its unsurpris<strong>in</strong>g effects 53h<strong>in</strong>der challengers. The first is expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> this section; the second is expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong>the section that follows.Members <strong>of</strong> Congress provide themselves with a full range <strong>of</strong> free services thatare not available to their more cash-starved challengers. Members <strong>of</strong> Congresshave free mail privileges (referred to as the frank), 9 telephone <strong>and</strong> Internet access, 10<strong>and</strong> well-designed web pages. 11 Some people may be surprised at the magnitude <strong>of</strong>these free services. For example, <strong>in</strong> a recent election cycle, <strong>of</strong> the 20 largest spenderson the frank, 11 Members spent more on this privilege than their challengers spenton their entire campaigns. 12 And benefits such as frank do help. Albert Cover <strong>and</strong>Bruce Brumberg found that a control group receiv<strong>in</strong>g franked mail had a higherop<strong>in</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>cumbent than those who did not. 13Members <strong>of</strong> Congress also derive a significant advantage through casework out<strong>of</strong> their district or state home <strong>of</strong>fices. The <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g flow <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>decipherable <strong>and</strong>ambiguous new laws (<strong>and</strong> ensu<strong>in</strong>g regulations) <strong>in</strong>crease the dem<strong>and</strong> for caseworkservices – which, <strong>of</strong> course, only <strong>in</strong>cumbents can provide. Evidence <strong>of</strong> this can befound <strong>in</strong> the growth <strong>of</strong> House <strong>and</strong> Senate staff assigned to Members’ district <strong>and</strong>state <strong>of</strong>fices. From 1980 to 1997, the number <strong>of</strong> House staffers assigned to <strong>of</strong>fices <strong>in</strong>the districts <strong>in</strong>creased from 2,534 to 3,209, <strong>and</strong> for the Senate <strong>of</strong>fices <strong>in</strong> the states,the number <strong>in</strong>creased from 953 to 1,366. (The proportion <strong>of</strong> local-<strong>of</strong>fice staff vs. totalstaff <strong>in</strong>creased as well: from 34 percent to 44 percent for the House <strong>and</strong> from 25percent to 31 percent for the Senate.) 14 Academic research shows how beneficialconstituent services are <strong>in</strong> garner<strong>in</strong>g support <strong>and</strong> creat<strong>in</strong>g a positive image <strong>of</strong> the<strong>in</strong>cumbent. 15 And it is apparent that this has not gone unnoticed by the <strong>in</strong>cumbentsthemselves. For example, Morris Fior<strong>in</strong>a found that <strong>in</strong>cumbents respond to closeelections by <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g allocations to casework. 16Some might argue there is noth<strong>in</strong>g wrong with such a response by the <strong>in</strong>cumbent.They might suggest that the <strong>in</strong>cumbent is only seek<strong>in</strong>g to connect moreclosely with the voters, <strong>and</strong> that such a response is a sign <strong>of</strong> competition. To someextent this is true. Members <strong>of</strong> Congress have legitimate reasons to communicatewith constituents <strong>and</strong> to help them on occasion. There are two problems, however.First, the evidence is stark that the system is abused for political ga<strong>in</strong>. Second, thisactivity is funded by taxpayers, a source not available to challengers. In any event,the widespread abuse <strong>of</strong> these free services constitutes a contrived advantage thatmakes the play<strong>in</strong>g field less even, the political market less competitive, <strong>and</strong> citizensless well served.Incumbents also have at their disposal the ability to send district- or state-specificspend<strong>in</strong>g back to their constituents. This practice, more commonly known as “porkspend<strong>in</strong>g,” can play a large role <strong>in</strong> protect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>cumbents from challenge. This isparticularly true for more senior <strong>in</strong>cumbents, who because <strong>of</strong> their tenure are moreeffective at br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g money back to their districts or states. Rational voters recogniz<strong>in</strong>gthat the flow <strong>of</strong> pork is an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g function <strong>of</strong> tenure will be more apt toreturn their Congressman for another term. 17 Research has found that <strong>in</strong>cumbentsare effective <strong>in</strong> tak<strong>in</strong>g advantage <strong>of</strong> these contrived advantages. Robert Ste<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong>Kenneth Bickers found that vulnerable <strong>in</strong>cumbents aggressively pursue pork

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