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Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

Money and Markets: Essays in Honor of Leland B. Yeager

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Lel<strong>and</strong> <strong>Yeager</strong>’s utilitarianism as a guide to public policy 215the fundamental pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>of</strong> policy espousal. <strong>Yeager</strong>’s argument for rulesutilitarianismexplicitly recognizes the argument that one should want to follow therule rather than deviate from it <strong>in</strong> particular cases, because particular cases arebased on <strong>in</strong>complete <strong>and</strong> possibly biased <strong>in</strong>formation, so even when a narrowutilitarian judgment might be that people would be better <strong>of</strong>f violat<strong>in</strong>g the rule <strong>in</strong> aparticular case, this Hayekian-<strong>in</strong>fluenced rules utilitarianism still recommendsadher<strong>in</strong>g to the rule. If the fundamental rule is to protect <strong>in</strong>dividual rights, thenbased on rules-utilitarian arguments, one might drop any utilitarian argumentswith regard to specific public policy issues <strong>and</strong> – on utilitarian grounds – supportthe rule <strong>of</strong> protect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dividual rights.Of course, rules-utilitarians might not conclude that this is the rule they arrive atthrough their positive analysis; however, <strong>Yeager</strong> says he adheres to a pro-rightsdoctr<strong>in</strong>e, so it appears that <strong>in</strong> this case <strong>Yeager</strong>’s rules-utilitarianism leads him tothat rule. Yet he is will<strong>in</strong>g to deviate from that rule on utilitarian grounds. “Personalfreedom, while a great value, is not the only value. Quite conceivably, <strong>in</strong> wretchedcircumstances, people might will<strong>in</strong>gly trade away their freedom ... for more food,cloth<strong>in</strong>g, shelter, <strong>and</strong> safety” (2001: 247). While <strong>Yeager</strong> himself may see somereason to deviate from always adher<strong>in</strong>g to the policy pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>of</strong> protect<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>dividual rights, one can at least construct a utilitarian argument that supports apure rights doctr<strong>in</strong>e as a foundation for policy espousal. Despite rhetoricaldifferences, the policy conclusions reached by a pure natural rights doctr<strong>in</strong>e can bederived from rules-utilitarianism.<strong>Yeager</strong>’s utilitarian policy espousal<strong>Yeager</strong> makes compell<strong>in</strong>g arguments for his utilitarian position on policy espousal,but the arguments are abstract <strong>and</strong> theoretical. From my conversations with him,<strong>and</strong> from read<strong>in</strong>g his work, I believe that Lel<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> I would agree on most actualpolicy conclusions, yet I f<strong>in</strong>d myself unwill<strong>in</strong>g to accept completely his utilitarianjustifications for policy espousal. In this section I will trace through his arguments<strong>and</strong> ultimately identify one area <strong>of</strong> utilitarianism that makes me uncomfortable. Irefer to discomfort here because, recogniz<strong>in</strong>g that we are discuss<strong>in</strong>g a normativeissue, correct <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>correct do not apply as <strong>in</strong> positive analysis; yet the way thatwords are used may lead to positive results that violate one’s normative values.While <strong>Yeager</strong> argues aga<strong>in</strong>st other alternatives, such as natural rights <strong>and</strong>contractarianism, he also notes an aff<strong>in</strong>ity for both <strong>of</strong> these approaches <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong>regards. Let me beg<strong>in</strong> with our shared aff<strong>in</strong>ity for the protection <strong>of</strong> rights <strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>dividual freedom, not because utilitarian logic must lead to this conclusion butbecause it has led <strong>Yeager</strong> there. If we accept liberty as a policy pr<strong>in</strong>ciple onutilitarian grounds, then as noted above, we might promote it to the primary policygoal, not because we axiomatically accept its desirability but because on utilitariangrounds we accept it as a fundamental rule that we are not will<strong>in</strong>g to violate <strong>in</strong>specific cases. In this case, for utilitarian reasons, our policy espousal is based on thepr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>of</strong> liberty. Yet we see that <strong>Yeager</strong> does not do this, <strong>and</strong> admits that theremay be circumstances where people would be will<strong>in</strong>g to trade away some personal

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