Syllabic consonants103(1) Projection Principle (Kaye et al. 1990:221)‘Governing relations are defined at the level of lexical representationand remain constant throughout a phonological derivation’The Principle in (1) excludes any changes in governing relations duringthe course of derivation. In other words, resyllabification is prohibitedand a melodic unit that is linked to a consonantal position cannot surfaceunder a nuclear slot. Thus, it follows that the optimal representationfor syllabic consonants is the one where the sonorant is linked to a consonantalslot, while at the same time it spreads to a neighbouring nuclearposition. The idea is further discussed in the immediately following subsection.2.1. Some English factsThe general observation emerging from the short introduction above isthat in English, just as in several other languages, sonorants are grantedthe right to dock on to a nuclear position. 2 Moreover, in order to playa syllabic role a sonorant spreads to the left, i.e. to the preceding nucleus.What is crucial, however, is the fact that this analysis requiresa vowel to step aside and make room for the following sonorant. In ordernot to anticipate the discussion which will appear later in this chapter,we only note here that the schwa for one reason or another becomesdelinked from the nuclear position. In this way a receding schwa enablesa neighbouring sonorant to take over its duties. However, it is not truethat all sonorants have an equal opportunity to become syllabic. Thus, inEnglish only nasals, the lateral and the post-alveolar approximant canplay the syllabic role. Furthermore, the syllabicity of the velar nasal ismarginal simply because this nasal never appears after schwa (see Szigetvári1999, Gussmann 1998). Thus, every occurrence of the syllabicvelar nasal is the result of the process of place assimilation, e.g.chicken [tSIk«n] > [tSIk ®n] > [tSIk®N]. Finally, it should be clarified here thatin the majority of cases the phenomenon in question depends on the tempo2One may want to include here the forms where the schwa is lost between twoobstruents, e.g. difficult [ ® dIfIk®lt] > [ ® dIfk®lt], potato [p« ® teIt«U] > [p ® teIt«U], etc. Since, however,the clusters in question do not contain a sonorant they must be recognised as theinstantiation of a different phenomenon, see Abercrombie (1967) and Rodgers(1998).
104 Bogus clusters, syllabic consonants and vowel syncope. . .of speech. Thus, while in a slow, careful and somewhat learned pronunciationof arrogant, for example, the schwa separates the [g] from the final[nt] cluster, that is, [ ® Ïr«g«nt], in fast, less controlled speech the vowel is lostand the sonorant becomes syllabic [ ® Ïr«g ®nt]. Another interesting thingto note is that English does not generally tolerate heavy consonant clusters.In the vast majority of cases consonant sequences do not exceedtwo segments. However, given the double-linking ability of sonorants, Englishconsonant sequences appear to be much more complex, with upto four or even five consecutive segments, e.g. accountant [« ® kaUnt ®nt] andsingleton [ ® sINg ®lt ®n], respectively. Consider now some more examples ofsyllabic consonants in (2).(2)a. word-internallylegendarrogantcabinetcavalryfacultyviolinc. word-initiallyuntilballoonconvulsedconfetti[ ® ledZ ®nd][ ® Ïr«g ®nt][ ® kÏb ®n«t][ ® kÏv®lri][ ® fÏk®lti][ ® vaI®l ® In][®n ® tIl][b®l ® u†n][k ®n ® v¿lst][k ®n ® feti]/[k ®µ ® feti]b. word-finallysuddennapkinbosomgradualrascalshrapnel[ ® s¿d ®n][ ® nÏpk ®n][ ® bUz ®m][ ® grÏdZu®l][ ® rA†sk®l][ ® SrÏpn®l]A word of clarification concerning the data under (2) is in order here. Inhis analysis of vowel syncope in English Szigetvári (2002) pointsout that syllabic consonants arise only when preceded by a consonantand hence there are no word-initial syllabic consonants. Szigetvári(2002) argues his point by indicating that in the majority of cases theunstressed word-initial vowel fails to reduce to schwa and hence cannotbe replaced by the following sonorant, e.g. angelic [Ïn ® dZelIk]. Moreover, inthe forms which do contain the word-initial schwa, e.g. unless [«n ® les],the sonorant never becomes syllabic *[ ®n ® les]. The same holds true for wordinitialopen syllables, e.g. allow [« ® laU], *[®laU], annoy [« ® nOI], *[ ® ®nOI]. Finally,Szigetvári (2002) points to the fact that while syllabic consonantscan follow unstressed vowels, they do not normally appear after stressedones, e.g. casual [ ® kÏZu«l] > [ ® kÏZu ®l], jewel [ ® dZuÉ«l] > *[ ® dZuÉ ®l] respectively.However, the distributional constraints enumerated in Szigetvári(2002) are violated by the examples given in Hammond (1999). Thus,we find word-initial syllabic consonant in until [ ®n ® tIl], thank you [®Nk-ju]
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ContentsPreface . . . . . . . . . .
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PrefaceThe phonotactic peculiaritie
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Preface92000), Ploch (1999), van de
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List of abbreviationsBrODIdim.FODge
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14 The frameworkemploying the simpl
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16 The frameworksion in section 3 b
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18 The frameworkmodel is able to ha
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20 The frameworkhanan 1986). Thus,
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24 The frameworkWhat is interesting
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26 The frameworklateral relations,
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28 The frameworkIn general, we can
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30 The frameworkobstruents followed
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32 The frameworkLet us look more de
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34 The framework(7) PGO N O N O N O
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36 The frameworkby all sounds. Thus
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38 The frameworkexist. What is a Br
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40The frameworkLowenstamm’s (1999
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42 The frameworksky and Halle’s (
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44 The phonological nature of the b
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46 The phonological nature of the b
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48 The phonological nature of the b
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154 ReferencesBotma, B. (2004) Phon
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156 ReferencesGussmann, E. (1998) D
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158 ReferencesPawelec, P. (1989) Cy
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160 ReferencesScheer, T. (1997) Vow
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Author indexAbercrombie, David 103A
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Artur KijakGrupy spó³g³oskowe w
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Zusammenfassung167für alle anderen