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52 The phonological nature of the beginning of the word(9)a. PG b. PGCV|oC|dV|e+ C V C V C V C V C V +|b e|r|a|t|P|b|e|z eC|bVP→IGC|rV|aC|dV|yFurthermore, note that in Czech the forms which provoke the vocalisationof prefix vowels are of two kinds, i.e. #TR as in pode-brat ‘seize frombelow’ and #RT as in, for example, ode-rvat ‘tear off’. This is an additionalproof for the existence of the empty governed nucleus separating suchclusters. Moreover, the 762 items that entail unvocalised prefixes neverbegin with a #RT cluster. This observation points to at least two conclusions,namely, #RT sequences are not able to contract IG and they mustbe separated by the properly governed empty nucleus. Recall that in Polishwe encounter a similar situation; clusters hosting vowel-zero alternationsand #RT clusters are always separated by the properly governedempty nucleus.In this section we have tried to demonstrate that what is a clusterphonetically may have two different phonological representations. 6While in the previous section we discussed #TR clusters and vowel-zeroalternations, the present section was devoted to #TR clusters and prefixation.The discussion in both sections points to the same conclusion,namely, that #TR clusters are obliged to contract the IG relation unlessthere is a jer, in which case PG applies. Moreover, we managed to resolvethe problem of vowel vocalisation in prefixes in the class of Derived Imperfectivewithout alluding to domain structure. The findings are confirmedby the behaviour of prefixal vowels in closely-related Czech. In bothlanguages the unmarked structure is the Infrasegmental Governmentrelation. The section below will discuss word-initial two-sonorantclusters. It will be demonstrated that the bilabial nasal /m/ plays a specialrole in the Polish phonological system in that it behaves like a typicalobstruent.6Scheer (2004:73) discussing Metropolitan French reaches the same conclusion.