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68 The phonological nature of the beginning of the wordhand, the form [jent °rka] demonstrates regressive assimilation, thus, in[jendrek] both the dental plosive [d] and [r] are voiced. However, thecluster [dr] undergoes devoicing when it occurs in a direct contact withthe following voiceless [k]. The voice value of [k] imposes its voicelesscharacteristic on the entire cluster. It must be clarified here that theidentical voicing specification of obstruents separated by the trapped [r]does not constitute any problem for models like GP or the Strict CV framework,where the sonorants lack the laryngeal element. Moreover, in[bup °r] the bilabial plosive /b/ is devoiced due to the following empty nucleus,which cannot license the laryngeal node in Polish. Finally, the explanationof the devoiced character of /r/ both in the former and the lattercontext, rather than being a pure phonological phenomenon, falls underthe scope of phonetics. 18Additionally, it should be noted here that the forms [jent °rka] – [jendrek]are peculiar in another respect. Specifically, in the previous analysestrapped sonorants were claimed to be extrasyllabic (Rubach andBooij 1990a, Rubach 1996, 1997a, b). However, as pointed out byScheer (2004), in all studied cases extrasyllabicity and extrametricallityoccur only at word-edges. This observation follows from the fact thatword-margins behave in a peculiar, often unpredictable way. If trappedsonorants are extrasyllabic, Polish is the only language which allows forword-internal extrasyllabicity, e.g. Jêdrka [jent °rka] (a name), piosnka[pjos °nka] ‘song’, czosnku [t¡Sos °nku] ‘garlic, gen.sg.’ It follows that previousaccounts relying on the syllabification algorithm left word-medialtrapped sonorants such as [n] in czosnku unsyllabified. Note that [n] canneither form a branching onset with the following [k], nor qualify asa second member of a branching coda [sn]. Both options violate the SonoritySequencing Principle. Needless to say, the same argumentation appliesto word-final TR clusters such as [p °r] in bóbr. The latter clustercannot be interpreted as a branching onset as such constituents do notoccur word-finally. The problem was solved by assigning the [b] to thecoda, which left the final [r] unsyllabified. This analysis was then extendedto cover word-initial trapped sonorants. The representation of[jent °rka] and [bup °r] is given below in (25).In (25a) the extrasyllabic character assigned to the word-internal [r]is the reason why the flanking obstruents agree in voicing. Generallyspeaking, extrasyllabicity explains the transparent character of the wordinternaltrapped sonorants. Both obstruents, i.e. /d/ and /k/, are adjacentat the early stage of syllabification, hence voice assimilation occurs. Thenthe unsyllabified segment is linked to the higher prosodic constituent,18I owe this note to Eugeniusz Cyran