Consonantal interaction35ever, Scheer (1999a, 2004), in opposition to Cyran (2003), arguesfor the leftward relation as depicted in (8) above. This simply means thatit is a sonorant that is a governor of the preceding obstruent (cf. Kayeet al. 1990, Harris 1994, Harris and Lindsey 1995). The argumentsput forward by Scheer (1999a, 2004) in order to change thedirection of the interconsonantal relation are threefold. Firstly, hepoints out that in GP all interconstituent relations are regressive orleftward (see Kaye at al. 1990, Harris 1994). Since in the Strict CVapproach there are no constituent relations, as there are no branchingconstituents at all, it means that what was a progressive relation withina constituent in GP must now be represented as a regressive relationbetween two constituents. Secondly and more importantly, Scheer(1999a) indicates that sonorants are actually more complex than whatthey might appear to be in the previous proposals (see also van der To r -r e 2003). He proves his point by looking at the results of phonologicaloperations (element spreading and segmental decomposition) involvingsonorants. The general picture emerging from his analysis is that sonorantsare richer in place-defining elements than obstruents, e.g. [r](A, I); [l] (/, A, I) or [n] (/, N, A, I). Moreover, the cross-linguistic surveyleads him to the conclusion that velarity and roundness are two distinctphonological elements. Very briefly, Scheer (1996, 1999a) claims thatthe prime defining velarity (U) is present in all velar articulations (roundedand unrounded). On the other hand, the prime that carries informationconcerning labiality/roundness, that is (B), is present in all roundand bilabial articulations. This fact may explain why in certain systems[w] interacts with both labials and velars. This is so because [w] is claimedto include two elements, that is, (U, B). The final argument putforward by Scheer (2004) in favour of the leftward consonantal relationsconcerns the headedness in vocalic expressions. To simplify, he indicatesthat in the previous theories only one of the place definers can bethe head of the vocalic expressions. Note that neither the nasal element(N) nor the low or high tone elements (L), (H) can acquire the role ofa head in vowels. According to Scheer (1999a) the same should holdtrue in the representation of consonants. What is more, the laryngealelements, i.e. (L) and (H), are present only in obstruents but never appearin the representation of sonorants, 25 which simply means that sonorantsare doomed to play the role of governees because the complexitywill always be greater in obstruents when compared with sonorants.Scheer (2004) concludes that place is the only feature that is shared25Sonorants are claimed to be spontaneously voiced or voiced by default, and hence,this characteristic is never represented in the elemental make-up of sonorants.3*
36 The frameworkby all sounds. Thus, since the primes representing place are present invowels, sonorants, and obstruents, it is proposed that complexity shouldcount only place elements (cf. Cyran 2003). As has already been mentioned,the discussion concerning the representation of segments is in aconstant state of flux and no final version has yet been agreed on. Moreover,as mentioned by Cyran (2003:54), the actual representation ofsegments in a given system must follow an in-depth analysis and shouldnot be assumed a priori. However, a detailed analysis of segmental structurewould require another work of comparable size. Therefore, in whatfollows we simply adopt the idea that sonorants play the role of heads inthe consonantal relations.From the discussion above it transpires that Infrasegmental Governmentresembles constituent and interconstituent government of GP inthat the role a segment plays, i.e. either a head or a complement, is decidedon complexity alone. However, complexity is calculated according todifferent principles. Thus, in order to find out which segment acts as thehead within a domain of consonantal interaction, only the elements atthe place level are scanned. A similar solution is put forward in van derTorre (2003), where place of articulation specifications plays a crucialrole in Dutch phonotactics. Given the fact that sonorants are more complexat the place level than obstruents, it follows that the former aretypical governors, while the latter are governees, and hence TR clustersform head-final domains. To sum up, Scheer’s (1999a) version of theElement Theory recognises four place elements both in consonants andin vowels: (I) palatal; (U) velar; (A) low, ATR; (B) labial, rounded. 26 One ofthe consequences of this proposal is that (I) and (U) always share anautosegmental line, even in the vocalic systems possessing front roundedvowels. A word of clarification concerning autosegmental lines is inorder here. In the Element Theory elements are assumed to reside onautosegmental lines. Depending on the system, elements may occupyseparate lines or a single one. The latter is true in the three-vowel systemswhere elements do not combine to form more complex segments,while the former can be observed in richer systems including front roundedvowels which are the result of the combination of two elements, thatis, (I) and (U). However, if roundness and velarity are separate elements,it means that front rounded vowels are represented as a combination of(I) and (B) rather than (I) and (U). Generally speaking, the elements (I)and (U) never combine to form complex segments, hence they are as-26As noted by Scheer (1999a), the element (B) must be assigned a special statussince it defines place in consonants (labial) but contributes only manner to vowels(rounded).
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152 Conclusionnisms available in th
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154 ReferencesBotma, B. (2004) Phon
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156 ReferencesGussmann, E. (1998) D
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158 ReferencesPawelec, P. (1989) Cy
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160 ReferencesScheer, T. (1997) Vow
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Author indexAbercrombie, David 103A
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Artur KijakGrupy spó³g³oskowe w
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Zusammenfassung167für alle anderen