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32 The frameworkLet us look more deeply at the last point on Cyran’s (2003) list,that is, melodic constraints. It is true that in GP branching onsets andInteronset relations are similar as far as the melodic make-up of segmentscontracting them is concerned. Very briefly, both structures consistof two segments in which the first one (leftmost) is more complexthan the following one. 20 Given this similarity (among others), Cyran(2003) proposes replacing all branching onsets with a rightward IO relationsponsored by the licensing from the following nucleus (5). 21(5) Lic.a. O N b. O N 1O N 2| | P | |T → R V T → R VIOIn (5a) we have a typical branching onset, in which an obstruent ‘T’,which is more complex as far as the elemental make-up is concerned, isfollowed by a less complex sonorant ‘R’. Hence, it is the former which canact as the head and govern the latter (Harris 1997). In (5b) we arefaced with a similar situation with the difference that what looks like abranching onset is separated by an empty nuclear position N 1. Note thatin order to contract the IO relation an obstruent must be followed by asonorant, pretty much the same as in the branching onset case. N 1appearsin the domain of the governing relation, hence, to use Cyran’s(2003) term, it is ‘locked’ or phonologically inert. 22 One could ask why weshould get rid of branching onsets, or in what way one representationis better than the other. In other words, what is the difference between(5a) and (5b)? It is unquestionable that the IO relation is independentlymotivated and needed in the phonotactic description of Polish (see, forexample, Cyran and Gussmann 1999). Thus, instead of burdeningthe theory with two structures, it is perfectly possible to describe complexconsonant clusters using just one. Needless to say, there is more toit as we will see shortly.20In GP complexity is gauged directly from the number of elements a segment includes.21Needless to say, the rightward direction of the IO relation follows from the complexity,hence the situation where the consonants contract a leftward relation is alsopredicted, see Cyran (2003) and Kula (2004).22This means that it cannot be a potential licensor and it is invisible to the *P-Pconstraint. The latter notion is explained in Chapter Two, section 2 and 3.3.