Left margin in Polish45[wk]aæ[wg]aæ[rv]etes‘weep’‘lie’‘commotion’[db]aæ[pt]ak[gb]ur‘care’‘bird’‘boor’The forms in (1) above illustrate some possibilities of two consonant clustersat the left edge of the word. The set in (1a) represents #RT sequenceswhich have proved problematic for most of the previous accountsincluding the GP analysis (see Cyran and Gussmann 1999). In(1b) we can see two-obstruent sequences. The clusters in both sets arisedue to the application of the same mechanism, that is, Proper Government.However, such combinations are possible only on condition thatthe initial CV unit is inactive. The representation of [rd¡z]a and [pt]ak isgiven in (2).(2)a. PG b. PG(C V) C|rV|PC|d¡zV|a(C V) C|pV|PC|tV|aC|kV|PNeither the cluster in (2a) nor the one in (2b) is able to contract IG. Theyare separated by the empty nucleus which must be governed to stay muteand this is done by the following full vowel through PG. Furthermore,given the fact that there are no formal requirements on the melodic makeupof consonants separated by the governed empty nucleus, clusters withthe reverse order of consonants should also be possible. This, however, isnot always the case. While all of the possibilities in (1a) have their mirror-images,e.g. [rd]est — [dr]oga, ‘knotgrass’/‘road’, [rt]êæ — [tr]aktat,‘mercury’/‘treaty’, only a few examples in (1b) can do the same, e.g. [kt]o— [tk]aæ, ‘who’/‘weave’ but [pt]ak — *[tp-], ‘bird’/- . As for the forms in(1a) the reverse order of segments does not necessarily mean that bothconsonants must contract the IG relation. In other words, the right orderof consonants does not automatically guarantee that they can constitutea consonantal relation. Thus, #TR clusters behave inconsistently in thatthey sometimes contract the relation and sometimes do not. In the latterscenario the consonants are separated by the empty nucleus which isproperly governed. The lesson to be learned from this observation is thatthe status of the consonant clusters cannot be taken for granted or predictedwell in advance. In order to decide whether a #TR cluster is aninstantiation of PG or IG we should check the influence such clustersexert on neighbouring vowels, i.e. vowel-zero alternations and the voca-
46 The phonological nature of the beginning of the wordlisation of the prefix vowel. In what follows we look more deeply at theformer test, that is, vowel-zero alternation, while prefixation is dealtwith in the following section.Polish abounds in consonant clusters which resemble branching onsetsin that the obstruent is followed by a sonorant but which are brokenup by an alternating vowel in related forms, e.g. [pr]aæ — [p ® eZ]e, ‘wash,inf.’/‘wash, 3p.sg.’ Such clusters, similarly to those in (1) arise due to theoperation of PG.(3)[kw]a — [k ® ew][kr]a — [k ® er][pr]aæ — [p ® eZ]e[sn]y — [sen][gn]ê — wy[g ® in]aæ[st]o — [set]ny‘tusk, gen.sg. — nom.sg.’‘ice floe, nom.sg. — gen.pl.’‘wash, inf. — 3p.sg.’‘dream, nom.pl. — nom.sg.’‘bend, 1p.sg. — inf.’‘hundred — hundredth’Although most of the examples in (3) could contract IG, e.g. [kw]a or[pr]aæ, they are not able to do so as both consonants are broken up by thealternating vowel [e], i.e. [k ® ew] and [p ® eZe] respectively. Since the alternatingvowels are claimed to be lexically present (Scheer forth.), it isnot possible for the flanking consonants to contract the consonantal relation.Consequently, all vowel-zero alternations, along with the formsin (1), are accounted for by the application of PG. This is illustrated onthe example of [kr]a — [k ® er] given in (4).(4)a. PG b. PG(C V)C|kV 1eC|rV 2|a(C V)In (4b) the final empty nucleus V 2cannot properly govern V 1, as the formeris empty. Consequently, the nuclear position V 1gets associated toits melody. In (4a), on the other hand, the final nucleus V 2is not emptyand so it is able to perform the action, V 1is struck by PG and, in consequence,the association line is severed, leaving the vowel disconnectedand hence phonetically inaudible. 11Cyran (2003) arrives at similar results without resorting to Proper Government.In his model PG is dispensed with completely. Instead the author proposes tointroduce a constraint *P-P which says that two consecutive empty nuclei are not allowed.Since both mechanisms produce the same effects, at least in the forms discussed sofar, we are not going to pursue this idea any further.C|k'V 1|eC|rV 2|P
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152 Conclusionnisms available in th
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154 ReferencesBotma, B. (2004) Phon
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156 ReferencesGussmann, E. (1998) D
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158 ReferencesPawelec, P. (1989) Cy
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160 ReferencesScheer, T. (1997) Vow
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Author indexAbercrombie, David 103A
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Artur KijakGrupy spó³g³oskowe w
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Zusammenfassung167für alle anderen