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Shortcomings of the Sonority Sequencing Principle27accused of circularity (Scheer 1999b). Very briefly, it is generally acceptedthat whatever appears before the first vowel in a word must bean onset, hence the beginning of the word is tantamount to the beginningof the syllable, that is, both start with the onset. Furthermore, inlanguages like English and German word-initial clusters are invariablyof the rising-sonority type. 13 These two observational facts have led toargumentation which is circular in nature. Thus, word-initial consonantclusters must have a rising-sonority profile because they are in onsets.How do we know that they are in onsets? Because the sonority rises.Although found word-initially in certain languages, falling-sonority clusterscan never be recognised as onsets in theories relying on SSP. Theyviolate the sonority principle and hence cannot constitute a potentialonset.Summing up, the Sonority Sequencing Principle, which says thatsonority must rise word-initially, has been based on the traditional phonotacticstudies of the typical western Indo-European languages, whichhappen to possess only rising-sonority clusters word-initially. The answerto the question why the clusters with decreasing-sonority profileare not possible at the left edge of the word falls out naturally in sonority-basedtheories, i.e., they would simply violate SSP.The two major flaws mentioned above are sufficient to disqualify thesonority-based theories from the game. Consequently, what is needed isa theory which could answer the question why in the vast majority ofIndo-European languages word-initial clusters are of the rising-sonoritytype. It should also explain the fact that there exist languages whichallow for clusters with both increasing- and decreasing-sonority profilesword-initially. Moreover, we would like to know the reason why certainlanguages possess complex consonant sequences, while the rest are happywith simple ones. Ideally, such a theory should replace the notion ofsonority by deriving phonotactic restrictions from the internal structureof segments. The internal composition of segments should be independentlymotivated by playing a direct role in phonological processing. Itmust be noted here that the last two problems have been overcome byGovernment Phonology, in particular by Harris’ (1990) complexity condition.In short, Harris (1990) derives phonotactic restrictions fromthe complexity of segments, where complexity is calculated on the numberof elements a segment enjoys. This step makes the sonority principleredundant.13The only exception to this observation is exemplified by clusters starting with /s/.Note, however, that /sC/ clusters behave peculiarly not only in English but also in mostIndo-European languages.