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On the development of soft labials...4.4. Two-segment analysis of soft labialsin the Kurp dialect 3193In this section we shall make an attempt to explain the behaviour of softlabials in the Kurp dialect. It will be demonstrated that soft labials aresequences of two consonants and their behaviour can be explained accordingto the position they occupy in the syllable structure. Moreover,the findings of this section confirm the claim that the initial empty CVunit is inactive in Polish.In section 4.2 we have presented the realisation of soft labials in theMazovian and Kurp dialects. Recall from that section that in those dialectsthe ‘glide appendix’ is realised either as a palatal fricative [X ® /V ® ]or a prepalatal one [‚/ó], after the bilabial nasal it surfaces as a prepalatalnasal [­]. What is striking, however, is the fact that /j/ evolves intoa fricative only in the post-consonantal position and never word-initially,intervocalically or preconsonantally. 32 Thus, while piasek ‘sand’is pronounced in the Kurp dialect as [p‚asek], the only possible realisationof jab³ko ‘apple’ is [japko] and not *[óapko]. What we are faced within the former example must be a fortition process, where the front glide[j] has been strengthened to a prepalatal fricative [‚]. The Coda Mirror,outlined in the previous section, predicts two strong positions whereconsonants may undergo fortition, namely, word-initially and after a heterosyllabicconsonant. However, as argued in this chapter, the Polishinitial empty CV unit is inactive, hence it does not require a governor.This single fact has far-reaching consequences. Firstly, there is only onestrong position in this language, that is, a post-consonantal position.Secondly, word-initial position is equated with the intervocalic one asit is both governed and licensed. The latter prediction is confirmedby the form [japko] in which the glide, similarly to the intervocalic positionin, for example, wieje ‘it blows’, does not react. Since the initial emptyCV unit is inactive, the initial [j] in [japko] appears in unfavourableconditions. It is both governed and licensed, which, according to theCoda Mirror, is a weak position, hence the lack of the change j < ó (48b).31The discussion in this section is confined to the Kurp dialect. The solution offeredhere, however, can be applied to the Mazovian data as well.32What is crucial here is the presence of the preceding labial consonant from whichthe glide seems to ‘borrow’ some elements. Note that this fact alone might explain theabsence of the fortition process in other contexts. The latter observation weakens somewhatour argument in this section. However, in the light of the discussion in the followingsection, the analysis proposed here is still validated.

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