Left margin in Polish55(13)a. PG b. PGC|zV|eC|mVeC|lV|eC|t¡‚V|PIn (13a) the [ml] cluster, although theoretically capable, cannot contractthe IG relation due to the fact that the consonants are separated by thejer, which is properly governed by the following vowel. Consequently, theprefixal vowel is realised phonetically. On the other hand, the stem initialcluster in (13b) is never broken up by an alternating vowel, whichmeans that the IG relation may hold in this case. Furthermore, the prefixfinal vowel remains inaudible as it is properly governed by the firstaudible vowel of the stem.Let us stop for a moment to take stock of the findings so far. Polishtwo-consonant clusters arise due to the application of PG and IG. Theformer mechanism is allowed to apply word-initially as the initial emptyCV unit is not active in Polish. This fact contributes to the existence ofsome word-initial combinations which are not found in most of the IElanguages, e.g. [pt] or [rt]. What is interesting, however, is the fact thatthe inert character of the initial CV unit in Polish creates a situationwhere both #TR and #m + R sequences could be resolved by two competingmechanisms, PG or IG. Recall that the initial CV unit, when inactive,does not need to be governed, which means that #TR and #m + Rsequences can be resolved by either of the two mechanisms, that is, IG(14a) or PG (14b).CV|oC|dVeC|mVP→IGC|rV|uC|gV|aC|t¡‚V|P(14)a. b. PG(C V) C V C V(C V)| P | |T R VIG→C|TVPC|RV|VIn (14a) both consonants, as adequately equipped, contract a governingrelation, i.e. Infrasegmental Government. However, the same cluster canbe separated by a properly governed nucleus (14b). The latter option ispossible in Polish as the initial CV unit does not play an active role in thelanguage. In order to resolve this conflict we have looked in some detailat the behaviour of such clusters when preceded by a prefix, to be more
56 The phonological nature of the beginning of the wordexact at the vocalisation of the prefix vowel. The discussion in mostcases was restricted to verbal stems in the class of Derived Imperfective.The conclusion which we have arrived at, however, is less than satisfactory,since #TR and #m + R sequences behave inconsistently in this respect.To sum up, what seems to be phonetically identical clusters, e.g.[tr], [mn], may have two different representations. The situation in (14a)is responsible for the suppression of the prefix vowel, while the one in(14b) produces vocalisation of the same nuclear position. Therefore, whatcalls for explanation is the justification of two distinct representationsof the phonetically identical cluster in the grammar. Our immediateresponse would be that the regular case is the IG relation (14a). In otherwords, we claim that IG must be contracted whenever the requiredconditions are met. Furthermore, it is claimed that the consonantal relationcannot hold in a situation when the consonants are separated byan alternating vowel. Since alternating vowels are lexically present(Scheer 2004), the consonants flanking such a vowel are not able tocommunicate. In the latter situation the alternating vowel is properlygoverned and in consequence the prefix vowel vocalises. The situation,however, is more complex than it might seem at first sight. Note thatthere are a few cases where the cluster is not allowed to contract IGdespite the fact that it is not separated by an alternating vowel, e.g. odemnie ‘from me’. Building on Cyran’s (2003) proposal 9 , we claim thatsuch forms must be morphologically marked, that is, they are marked asnot being able to contract the IG relation and hence must be separatedby a properly governed nucleus (14b). Needless to say, initial clusterswhich are not allowed to contract the IG relation because of the theoryinternalreasons do not need to be marked, e.g. #TT or #RT sequences.The empty nucleus between such clusters is motivated phonologically.To further complicate matters, it must be noted that there exist formswhich indicate a regular vowel-zero alternation, e.g. gra — gier ‘play,nom.sg./gen.pl.’, but nevertheless behave inconsistently in that they caneither suppress the prefixal vowel or vocalise it, e.g. zgraæ ‘synchronise’,rozegraæ ‘play out’ respectively. From the above discussion it follows thatthe latter form is the regular case. The initial cluster [gr] in gra is brokenup by the alternating vowel in the related form, i.e. [g‘er], whichmeans that when preceded by a prefix the vowel in this prefix will vocalise,which is borne out by the form rozegraæ (15b). If it is true that al-9In Cyran’s (2003) account the regular cases are the stems which cause the suppressionof the prefixal vowel. The remaining ones, i.e. those holding vowel-zero alternationsand those which are never broken up by an alternating vowel, must be morphologicallymarked.
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Artur KijakPolish and EnglishConson
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152 Conclusionnisms available in th
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154 ReferencesBotma, B. (2004) Phon
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156 ReferencesGussmann, E. (1998) D
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158 ReferencesPawelec, P. (1989) Cy
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160 ReferencesScheer, T. (1997) Vow
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Author indexAbercrombie, David 103A
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Artur KijakGrupy spó³g³oskowe w
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Zusammenfassung167für alle anderen