STRUCTURES OF VIOLENCE

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16 | Structures of Violence Further, they spoke of their inability to move on from their history as individuals who served the interests of government agencies against their own people. A number of these gunmen, particularly in the Pattan area, were subsequently killed, either by militants or the armed forces themselves. We hold that the Indian State must also accept responsibility for these deaths. In another particularly destructive, and patently illegal, form of violent action, agents of the State also attacked the non-combatant families of militants. In the case of Palhallan army camp there was overwhelming evidence that the armed forces at the camp used these families as human shields by forcing them to sleep at the camp. In both Islamabad and Pattan there were consistent reports of the torture of families of militants. In fact, arrest, detention and torture of families were the standard operating procedure of the army in their war against militants. Further, whether in Pattan or Islamabad, collective punishment was used as a tactic to subjugate people, particularly if they were thought to be anti-India. In Islamabad, entire areas, for example, Cheeni Chowk, Malakhnag, Mehman Mohalla, were burnt down. In Pattan there were mass and indiscriminate attacks such as the army ring on civilians on 1 August 1990 which led to numerous deaths in Pattan. Unsurprisingly, these incidents are now part of collective memory and are spoken of in the same terms as are used for the 1991 Kunan Poshpora mass rape and torture or the 1993 Sopore massacre. The presence of military camps also reshaped the economy of entire areas. Whether through encouraging particular kinds of business around the camps, or contracts with local businessman, the armed forces ensured their dominant presence in the everyday economy of Jammu and Kashmir. Such dominance allows them to exert a “soft” though highly effective pressure to further their ends. The effects of this sort of invasion do not form a direct part of this report but crop up in the testimonies, particularly in the experience of the shopkeepers near the Khanabal army camp. In Jammu and Kashmir, business with—and for—the army is also a weapon of war. There is much to be learned even from such an initial survey of the forms of violence in Jammu and Kashmir: studying the footprint and practices of the military is to learn not only about the infrastructure of state violence but also about the visceral response of the people who are subjugated by this infrastructure. An understanding of how the armed forces operate makes it clear that the violence superseded [and continues to supersede] any of the formal structures – the Judiciary, the Jammu and Kashmir police or local administration – whose “normal” functioning is meant to demonstrate the success of electoral democracy and the end of war. The military infrastructure overrides all local systems of governance; therefore, to understand the forms of Indian control of Jammu and Kashmir, it is imperative to understand the myriad ways in which the military dominates civilian life. Another practice that the case studies illustrate is the manner in which the armed forces used aliases in their operations. Invariably, they use common Kashmir Muslim names when they operate amongst civilians. While not illegal per se, this presents a unique challenge for researchers, journalists, and activists who wish to detail the covert or illegal operations of the State. While the army would claim this to be an integral part of counterinsurgency, there is no doubt that it also allowed for, and continues to allow for, criminality with little consequence. In a clear attempt to disguise the true perpetrators of violence, the operatives of the Indian state hide their identities behind local names. Methodology This chapter is based on numerous eld visits to two areas, Pattan and Islamabad, where testimonies were collected and subsequently analyzed. In addition, every effort has been made to acquire ofcial information through the ling of numerous RTIs. But, the Government of Jammu and Kashmir refused to provide information on certain RTI requests. For example, in the specic case studies of Islamabad and Pattan, an RTI was led to the Jammu and Kashmir Police seeking information on all FIRs led in specic, listed police stations in these two areas but no information has been provided to date. The form of information/stories collated and presented in this report have circulated amongst locals and even journalists for years now, but this report is the rst attempt to systematize such information by interviewing multiple sources and correlating their accounts [whenever that is feasible.] So the point, in addition to laying out the structure of the forces in operation, is to create a database of witness testimonies that will not only leave a record for the future but which can be mined by any investigative bodies. The researchers were also confronted with important ethical issues in the preparation of this report. In an active conict, for us to visit communities and ask pointed questions about the causes and effects of violence risked repeating some of the coercive interrogation people already suffer. Further, those members of these communities who have been forced by the armed forces into performing acts of surveillance, betrayal or indeed violence are compromised by any investigation of violence. Researchers feared that their questions would prompt an examination of the past that could lead to further discord within communities that had been divided badly in the past. We therefore worked very hard to ask all questions sensitively and have respected the wishes of those who wished to speak to us anonymously. Finally, while cogent and credible evidence is presented in this chapter, we hold that there is a need for independent and impartial investigations on all allegations and evidence presented in this chapter. Notes on nomenclature- The government continues to use the name Anantnag in all its documents, but people who live there [or elsewhere] refuse to call the town anything but Islamabad, the traditional and popular name. We have therefore decided to use the name Islamabad for both the town and the district ofcially known as Anantnag. Across interviews in Pattan, the people remember and refer to the “Hyderbaig” camp as the Brigade/Sector Headquarters. In fact, the Brigade/Sector Headquarters was and is [in the case of Sector only] at
17 | Structures of Violence Tapper. As both locations are next to one another, Hyderbaig has become the popular usage. Except when quoting from, or summarizing, witness testimony, we refer to the “Tapper” camp. Various local Pro Government militant groups including the Ikhwaan ul Muslimeen and Muslim Mujahideen (MM) are generally and collectively referred to in popular language as ‘Ikhwan’. When referring to specic groups their individual names are used in this report. However while quoting from testimonies of witnesses the popular term for pro government, that is Ikhwan or Ikhwani is used. Part B: Case Study 1: THE KHANABAL CAMP The present case study analyses the Khanabal army camp with a focus on Islamabad town and some of the surrounding villages and the perpetration of violence by the army, SOG, government gunmen and the CRPF and BSF. The areas covered by this sub-chapter are: Aangh, Akura, Bangi Nowgam, Batengo, Batpora, Brakpora, Bulbul Nowgam, Chee, Chicharpora, Dabrun, Dantar, Dialgam, Duggpora, Furrah, Guree, Harnag, Islamabad town including Khanabal, Kadapora, Kamad, Khandipahi, Krungsoo, Larkipora, Matipora, Mattan, Mirgund, Monghal, Muniwara , Nandpora, Nathpora, Nowathoo, Nunwan, Pushwara, Ruh, Sadoora, Seepan, Shitchan, Shoul, Takiya Behramshah, Uranhal. Testimonies that were recorded, and form the basis of this study are reproduced in full at Annexure 1. Khanabal Army Camp and other functionaries The most powerful structure of violence in the above listed areas of research is the Khanabal army camp. Today, Khanabal army camp [a camp that was in operation before 1990], is garrisoned with the troops of 1 RR. Khanabal is the Sector Headquarters of Sector 1 of the RR and also has one Battalion of Sector 2 stationed there. In relation to the operations by various army groups within this area, Khanabal army camp is at the apex of the 12 command structure. The following camps fall within the control and command of the Khanabal army camp: I Aishmuqam ii. Dialgam iii. High Ground [In 1992 this camp was created by forcible occupation of land that belonged to 100-150 civilian families. No compensation or rent has been provided. The illegal occupation continues to date. The camp, on a plateau, overlooks Islamabad town]. iv. Khundroo v. Larkipora vi. Methmu-Chittergul vii. Moominabad The CRPF and BSF also operate out of numerous camps based in Islamabad and surrounding areas with CRPF more dominant. The following are the camps they operate/d from: I A house of an unidentied Pandit next to the Saddar Police Station, Islamabad ii. Akura Mattan camp, Mattan: This camp may have started in1990. The camp presently exists only during the time of Amarnath Yatra. iii. Andernag Temple, Islamabad town: This camp may have started in1990. The camp presently continues. to be located here. The Old Exchange building, adjacent to Andernag temple, was also made part of this camp. This building was vacated in 2007. It is now an abandoned building. iv. Animal Husbandry ofce, Sarnal: This camp may have started from 1994/1995. The camp presently continues to be located here. v. Camp at petrol pump, Khanabal: This camp may have started in1990. The camp presently continues to be located here. vi. Camp at Wanpoh vii. Cheeni Chowk, Islamabad town: This camp was based in the house of Hridaynath Buhroo, a Kashmiri Pandit. Subsequently, the property was sold to a Kashmiri Muslim. This camp became operational in the mid-1990s until June 2009. Some locals went to burn this camp when the forces withdrew so that it would not be used as a camp again. But, the persons living in the neighboring houses asked them not to do so as their properties would also get affected. There is presently no camp at this location. viii. Good Eve Hotel, Islamabad: This property was a hotel. The camp over here may have started in1990. The camp presently continues to be located here. ix. GPO, Islamabad town: This camp may have started in1990. The camp presently continues to be located here. x. Gujjar Hostel, Khanabal: controlled by CRPF when they occupied it in 1990. This camp continues to exist though one of the buildings is now used as a Joint Interrogation Centre (JIC) by the police. xi. Gurtum Nag temple, Sarnal: This camp may have started in1990. The camp presently continues to be located here. xii. Heewan cinema, Ashajipora, Islamabad town: This camp may have started in1990. The camp presently continues to be located here. xiii. Lal Chowk, Islamabad: a building here was occupied from around 1990 until 2008. xiv. Residence of Late Pyarelal Handoo, a prominent Kashmiri Pandit leader, ex-MLA - National Conference, Islamabad town: This camp may have started in1990. The forces are no longer present in this property, which also no longer belongs to the Handoo family. The forces have now occupied the Muslim Auqaf property nearby. xv. State Bank of India [SBI], Lal Chowk, Islamabad: This camp may have started in1990. The camp presently continues to be located here. The police structure in Islamabad town and surrounding areas essentially consisted of one main police station and four police posts. Saddar police station has been the main police structure since 1990. Headed by a Station House Ofcer [SHO],the jurisdiction of the police station is Mir Dantar, Hanji Dantar, Bangdar, certain parts of 12 It is uncertain which of these camps is a Battalion Headquarters.
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STRUCTURES OF VIOLENCE

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