STRUCTURES OF VIOLENCE

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68 | Structures of Violence which state-sponsored structures of patriarchal violence-embodied in the mass violence perpetrated by the military-are used to amplify local cultures of violence against women. The spaces in which violence is enacted and inicted do not exist in a vacuum because every village, town and city in the most militarized zone in the world is inundated by the material structures of militarization. These include structures - both afxed and locomotive - camps, bunkers, pickets, 'stop and 5 search' posts, armored bakhtarbands, 'ying squad' police vehicles, even barricades of barbed wire. Such materials and objects resonant of violence have acquired permanence in memory and a signicance that goes beyond the immediate purposes for which they exist. Interviews with the survivors of mass violence create a portrait of an event from the past, preserved only in small pieces in memory. The survivors recall their own pain and the pain of others they heard or saw; in Kunan Poshpora- Abdul Rahim Dar, a torture survivor, says he heard the cries of women and children during a 15-20 minute walk from his house to a kuthar where army personnel then tortured him. In Sopore, Shafaqat Hussain Dar, while hiding with 200 others in a cinema that was later burnt to the ground by the BSF says he heard BSF personnel cry out loud “Saloon ko pakdo…jo jahan mile mar do” [Get hold of them, kill them where you nd them]. The survivors of mass violence often continue to live in the same spaces where the violence was enacted; some are coerced into maintaining relationships with perpetrators because of how the latter are positioned in the culture of impunity. Yet, every time survivors recall events and times past from their memory, and describe the enactment of the mass violence they experienced, the violence is made 'present'. The spectacular violence of an event delimited in space and time is present in every verbal, textual and visual narrative of the incident, and so is its ability to instill terror. The massacres at Sailan and Kunan-Poshpora have targeted communities living at the 'borders' of Jammu and Kashmir, as territorially outlined by the Indian State. In Poonch District, the location of the Sailan and Mohra Bachai massacres, the strategic enlistment of the local population and the creation of multiple channels of dependencies result in an 6 institutionalization of disenfranchisement . This is manifest in the position of the Special Police Ofcer [SPO]- a civilian employed under the Police Act and often used by the army as an informer and recruiter; promises of such 'employment' are also used to counter demands for justice and reparations for crimes perpetrated. As Abdul Rashid, son of Jumma Khan, killed in the Pathribal 'fake encounter' says, “First they target us, then they say we are announcing 7 bharti from this area. They want to tell us, we gave you jobs, Ab Chup Karo!” (Now shut up!) Bio-political arrangements that perform mass violence as spectacle, render those they describe as 'militant'–which includes most Kashmiris–as completely disposable. They determine life, death and everything in between under conditions of violent militarization in Indian Administered Kashmir. 5 Large armored army vehicles, commonly used by military forces involved in 'counter-insurgency' 6 Also see 'The Anatomy of a Massacre-The Mass Killings at Sailan', Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society, August 2014. 7 Recruitment drives for joining the police or the military.
69 | Structures of Violence “Oppressors may wear new clothes but their ways remain the same”, says a banner from a protest by a large number of women activists outside Kupwara Sessions Court in December 2013. Communiqué drafted by villagers on 25/26 of February signed by survivors narrating their experience of mass rape and torture to DC and SP, Kupwara.
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STRUCTURES OF VIOLENCE THE INDIAN S
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Testimony 31: Nazir Ahmad Zarger, v
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STRUCTURES OF VIOLENCE

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