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STRUCTURES OF VIOLENCE

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79<br />

| Structures of Violence<br />

consistently sought extensions and carried out<br />

virtually no investigations. Except for a few<br />

communications the police have sought to delay<br />

investigations; not a single Section 164-A statement of<br />

85<br />

the victims, mandated by law, has been taken .<br />

Until the Indian Army got a stay on investigations in the<br />

High Court [and the SHRC decision itself],<br />

Government of Jammu and Kashmir stalled and<br />

delayed proceedings in the High Court, which the<br />

victim had approached in October 2013 seeking courtmonitored<br />

investigations. On 12 August 2014 the<br />

government stated before the High Court, that, “in<br />

principle the decision has been taken at highest level<br />

for accepting the recommendations of the SHRC.”<br />

But, on 11 November 2014 the government, in an<br />

absurd U-turn, stated that “the competent authority<br />

had not approved the payment of compensation”.<br />

Therefore, the directions on compensation were<br />

challenged in the Supreme Court where the petition is<br />

pending before the Registry. The victims will le their<br />

responses and stress on the need for criminal<br />

investigations in addition to compensation.<br />

Rape and Torture as 'Cordon and Search'- A<br />

Critique<br />

The mass violence at Kunan Poshpora is not an<br />

isolated incident; the gang rape and torture<br />

perpetrated on the women and men from the village<br />

must be understood as inherent to the fabric of<br />

' c o u n t e r - i n s u r g e n c y o p e r a t i o n s ' i n w h i c h<br />

premeditated and planned sexual violence and torture<br />

are employed to mark not only the bodies of “militants”,<br />

but their family members, neigbours and relatives.<br />

Such marking extends to “suspected” spaces -<br />

houses, kuthars, schools in which they are<br />

“suspected” to lived, or which form an important<br />

aspect of their everyday lives.<br />

In all narratives of that night in in Kunan-Poshpora,<br />

doors are smashed, electric lamps broken and<br />

household supplies vandalized and rendered<br />

unusable. The male members of the village are<br />

separated from the women and taken to kuthars. At the<br />

same time, kuthars, otherwise used to store grain, are<br />

converted into torture centres where conceptions of<br />

ownership of space and property are inverted in favour<br />

of the perpetrator, as male residents are tortured,<br />

water boarded, electrocuted and roller-treated with<br />

scientic rigor-often with household items appropiated<br />

from the space violently occupied. For example chilli<br />

powder, a common spice consumed in every<br />

household, is mixed with water and transformed into<br />

an instrument of mass torture. In these “interrogation<br />

centres”, to quote a torture survivor one “hit on the<br />

hand with a lathi” equals a “broken wrist” making a<br />

cripple of the “pehelwan” of the village in the span of a<br />

few hours.<br />

The young girls and women, isolated in their own<br />

homes are repeatedly raped by as many as ten army<br />

personnel, many a time in front of their children and<br />

family members. A rape survivor whose daughter was<br />

also raped in the same room as her says that her<br />

daughter's vagina was “completely damaged”-<br />

perhaps an indication of how well the perpetrators<br />

understand the damning power of patriarchal<br />

conceptions of “damage” to women's bodies, while<br />

deliberately scarring the gendered bodies of women –<br />

their breasts, thighs, buttocks and vaginas within<br />

settings of domesticity. Male torture too is similarly<br />

sexualized, with many of those who survive the torture<br />

suffering from sexual dysfunction for the rest of their<br />

lives due to the violence inicted on their genitals.<br />

Many of the women raped that night suffer from poor<br />

reproductive health and have had difculty conceiving.<br />

Others have suffered miscarriages while pregnant.<br />

One rape survivor, who quietly bled for 15 years,<br />

underwent an operation to remove a part of her<br />

intestine infected on account of being anally raped-<br />

something she kept hidden for years. - All this adds up<br />

86<br />

to agonizing mental trauma and depression.<br />

In public memory, Kunan Poshpora remains a case of<br />

mass rape-the story of the torture of men that<br />

accompanied the rape is made distant, pointing to how<br />

torture is rendered banal, yet remains signicant as a<br />

'counter-insurgency' tactic. The women of Kunan-<br />

Poshpora have sought justice and resisted the<br />

multifarious attempts of the state to obliterate the truth<br />

of the mass violence perpetrated by the army whether<br />

through casting of aspersions on the survivors'<br />

characters, doubting their motivations in pursuing the<br />

legal process, or subjecting them to intensive scrutiny<br />

and reading even their nervous laughter, as proof of<br />

87<br />

their falsity, as in the Brigadier's Condential report .<br />

Though reective of the patriarchal nature of state<br />

discourse, such attempts at subversion and<br />

manipulation of the legal process inadvertently help<br />

foreground the truth of mass rape of women in Kunan-<br />

Poshpora.<br />

The communication of 23 September 1991 from the<br />

Director, Prosecution to the Superintendent of Police,<br />

Kupwara illustrates this vividly. One of the reasons<br />

provided, as justication for closure of the case was<br />

that the victims had been unable to identify the<br />

accused. The Director, Prosecutions, sought to place<br />

the blame of lack of identication of the accused upon<br />

the victims, when in fact, no identication parade was<br />

held by the Police as Army authorities refused and<br />

continue to refuse to co operate. Moreover, the lack of<br />

an identication parade cannot result in the closure of<br />

investigations as more than sufcient other evidence<br />

had already been collected to charge the accused.<br />

Further, this communication considers the delay in<br />

ling of FIR [legally irrelevant in rape cases] to be proof<br />

of the falsity of the claims of the victims though the<br />

victims have stated in their submissions before the<br />

lower court, Kupwara that the army had cordoned off<br />

the villages for two days following the mass violence,<br />

85 According to the Jammu Kashmir Code of Criminal Procedure [CrPc] Section 164-A Statements of “material witnesses" must be<br />

recorded by the Investigating Ofcer in all serious cases, including rape cases, before a Judge. By virtue of being recorded before a<br />

Judge, they are deemed to have greater evidentiary value.<br />

86 Statement of Aafreen to our researchers.<br />

87 See also, Ghosh, Shrimoyee Nandini-The Kunan Poshpora Mass Rape Case: Notes from a Hearing, Warscapes 10 May 2014, available<br />

at http://www.warscapes.com/reportage/kunan-poshpora-mass-rape-case-notes-hearing

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