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asia policy<br />

be cautious not to offend China. This was immediately put to rest, with the<br />

new leader publicly describing China’s behavior in the South China Sea<br />

as undermining Chinese interests and advocating a strategy combining<br />

diplomacy with “balancing.” 18 Such rhetoric, combined with revelations<br />

about Australia’s sustained assertion of rights of overflight, suggests<br />

that Canberra will continue to support international efforts to manage<br />

tensions in a critical part of the regional and global commons. In parallel<br />

with anticipated future U.S. freedom of navigation operations, continued<br />

Australian air force surveillance will help neutralize the strategic and<br />

diplomatic value of China’s island-building.<br />

Australia’s further options are limited but could include exploring<br />

creative, oblique ways to point out to China that island-building and<br />

coercion are harmful to its interests. For instance, Australia could step<br />

up its activism in convening new bilateral security partnerships or even<br />

minilateral security dialogues with countries concerned about the way<br />

China is using its power. Such initiatives would signal to China that its<br />

behavior is bringing about the very outcome it does not want—a firmer<br />

balancing alignment of other regional powers. Another option is bilateral<br />

diplomacy, with Australian foreign minister Julie Bishop’s firm opposition<br />

to China’s destabilizing declaration of an air defense identification zone over<br />

waters contested with Japan in 2013 providing an important precedent. 19<br />

In that instance, Australia weathered China’s diplomatic displeasure,<br />

an experience that has arguably strengthened Australia’s resolve and<br />

self-respect in handling differences with its largest trading partner. 20<br />

A looming test of Australia’s priorities will come with how it responds to<br />

the determination, due in early 2016, of the Permanent Court of Arbitration<br />

in The Hague on the case that the Philippines has brought against China<br />

over their competing territorial claims. Despite its repeated endorsement<br />

of a rules-based approach to the security problems in the South China Sea,<br />

Canberra has been less than outspoken in praising Manila’s initiative to<br />

appeal to the umpire. It appears this is not purely or even primarily about<br />

mollifying China. Rather, the issue is that Australia itself has previously<br />

18 John Garnaut, “Malcolm Turnbull Changes Direction on Foreign Policy: China Trumps the Islamic<br />

State Death Cult,” Age, September 24, 2015.<br />

19 “Angry China Rebukes Julie Bishop over East China Sea Dispute,” Australian, December 7, 2013.<br />

20 For further discussion of these options, see Rory Medcalf, “The Temperature in Canberra as the South<br />

China Sea Boils,” Center for Strategic and International Studies, Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative,<br />

June 4, 2015 u http://amti.csis.org/the-temperature-in-canberra-as-the-south-china-sea-boils.<br />

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