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oundtable • non-claimant perspectives on the south china sea<br />

Emphasize the nonsecurity aspects of U.S. involvement. Washington<br />

must stay the course on the Asian rebalance, especially the economic pillar<br />

with the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The expansion of U.S. resources<br />

and focus in the Asia-Pacific equips the United States with the range of tools<br />

needed to secure its interests in the maritime domain and beyond. Through<br />

lowering barriers and setting common regulatory standards, a ratified TPP<br />

agreement will further trade liberalization and promote economic growth<br />

on terms that are consistent with U.S. values. Beyond ratification, U.S.<br />

diplomatic efforts must be refocused on the hard work of expanding TPP<br />

membership to include those states that are eager to accede and willing to<br />

open their markets in good faith. Outside the economic sphere, there are<br />

many other global governance problems that require better cooperation<br />

with Asia, all of which represent opportunities for win-win engagement:<br />

preventing and mitigating the effects of climate change, building capacity<br />

for humanitarian activities and disaster relief, promoting financial stability,<br />

and creating the conditions for sustained economic development.<br />

Ensure that all claimant and non-claimant states support a common<br />

message. A key diplomatic challenge will be convincing all regional nations,<br />

including non-claimant members of the Association of Southeast Asian<br />

Nations (ASEAN), that they have an interest in promoting the peaceful<br />

settlement of the South China Sea disputes. The goal of U.S. diplomacy<br />

should be to convince the less-engaged parties, such as Malaysia and<br />

Indonesia, that if Chinese assertiveness is not deterred in these disputes,<br />

these states may find themselves standing apart from their ASEAN friends<br />

when their own critical interests are challenged in the future. To promote<br />

this message, U.S. diplomatic efforts should support regional defense and<br />

economic cooperation through arenas such as the ASEAN Regional Forum<br />

and the Shangri-La Dialogue, as well as other Track 1.5 and Track 2 events.<br />

Additional regional cooperative security measures, such as the successful<br />

Malacca Strait Patrol initiated by Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore,<br />

should receive the full support of the U.S. military.<br />

U.S. strategists should also look beyond Southeast Asia to explore<br />

how the United States’ other naval partners could supplement this<br />

message. Japan, for example, clearly sees a stake in preserving freedom of<br />

navigation in the South China Sea. It has clear economic interests and can<br />

potentially support the region by cooperating with Southeast Asian states in<br />

humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. Australia likewise understands<br />

its reliance on maritime rights and has shown a seriousness in renewing<br />

its ability to challenge restrictions on naval operations. Two unknowns are<br />

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