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asia policy<br />
Nevertheless, movement toward an early conclusion of a CoC has been<br />
slow—due largely to outstanding differences between ASEAN states and<br />
China. While there has been progress in clarifying some areas of agreement<br />
and cooperation, the pace of negotiations provides incentives for interested<br />
parties to pursue or develop other options. Thus, ASEAN claimants, similar<br />
to China, have resisted proposals to stop various complicating activities.<br />
The Philippines’ decision to seek international arbitration via the<br />
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea is sometimes characterized as<br />
a case of a state pursuing an extra-ASEAN option at the expense of ASEAN.<br />
But this interpretation is both true and false. It is true to the extent that<br />
this decision appears to have been reached without much consultation<br />
with other ASEAN states and certainly not with ASEAN as a collective<br />
group. Further, it is worth noting that most ASEAN states initially viewed<br />
this action as provocative and did not rally behind the Philippines, thus<br />
reinforcing the existing perception of the organization as less than unified.<br />
In general, ASEAN states have preferred to work out disagreements through<br />
dialogue and negotiation rather than arbitration and litigation, as the latter<br />
are considered more confrontational and zero-sum processes. Notably,<br />
ASEAN’s collective declarations and statements have avoided mentioning<br />
the ongoing arbitration process, despite strong pressure from the Philippines<br />
to do so.<br />
On the other hand, the peaceful resolution of disputes remains the<br />
organization’s top interest and priority. Whether that outcome is pursued<br />
via ASEAN or non-ASEAN means is less important. This is true of the<br />
South China Sea disputes and has also been true of other interstate disputes<br />
that previously challenged regional relations. Historically, for example,<br />
extra-ASEAN processes have been considered acceptable and appropriate,<br />
especially if a dispute is potentially too sensitive or divisive in terms of<br />
intra-ASEAN relations. None of these historical cases are understood as<br />
contrary to ASEAN principles—just the opposite, in fact. Equally important,<br />
they are also not viewed as instances of ASEAN inaction. Rather, most see<br />
ASEAN’s contributions to the resolution of these disputes as indirect—that<br />
is, the organization created conditions that facilitated states’ support for<br />
more peaceful options. Thus, ASEAN offers a space for states to interact,<br />
exchange views, expand exchanges, and deepen regional integration, all<br />
of which are understood to facilitate both common understanding and<br />
common interests that, in turn, push states to exercise greater self-restraint.<br />
As highlighted above, the goals of the CoC have notably been characterized<br />
in some very similar terms.<br />
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