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ICON S Conference 17 – 19 June 2016 Humboldt University Berlin

160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME

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explore the relation between security and privacy<br />

and data protection. Having introduced the theory<br />

of techno-securitization (1), the paper then presents<br />

and analyses the impact of drone technology on the<br />

techno-securitization of borders (2). It starts by examining<br />

how the metamorphosis of the drone from<br />

a battlefield tool to a civilian asset is taking place<br />

(2.1), and then it focuses on the border surveillance<br />

network EUROSUR (2.2) and on actual cases of deployment<br />

of drones in border surveillance operations<br />

(2.3). The analysis of the current practices aims at<br />

providing information on the deployment of drones<br />

and, secondly, at elaborating on the impact of DT on<br />

privacy and data protection obligations (3). What challenges<br />

for privacy arise from the current regulation on<br />

surveillance at the borders (3.1)? Is the legal framework<br />

equipped for those challenges (3.2.)? The paper<br />

concludes by recalling the challenges posed by the<br />

techno-securitization of its borders for privacy and<br />

data protection (4).<br />

Anna Śledzińska-Simon: Borders and Refugee<br />

Protection Burden-Sharing <strong>–</strong> the Response of<br />

New Member States<br />

The response of new Member States to the refugee<br />

crisis, as well as to the recent proposals concerning EU<br />

border controls put into question the principle of loyal<br />

cooperation and solidarity underlying the European<br />

integration project. Questioning not only legitimacy,<br />

but also legality of EU measures, new Member States<br />

seem unwiling to accept responsibility and burdensharing<br />

in the area of borders and refugee protection.<br />

The presentation seeks to analyse the causes<br />

and consequences of such reactions threatening a<br />

deeper division in the EU into the core and periphery.<br />

Yet, while the future may revert this tendency, the<br />

current situation begs the question why new Member<br />

States are not even perceived by incoming migrants<br />

and refugees as a safe haven, or the core of Europe,<br />

but merely a transit zone.<br />

Nicola Selvaggi: Beyond Schengen? Migration<br />

and Criminal Law<br />

Even after the signature of the Lisbon Treaty the<br />

problem of criminal law in Europe (be it a European<br />

criminal law or a harmonized law or a system based<br />

on mutual recognition) is still a crucial and unsolved<br />

problem in the EU.<br />

At the same time new and major challenges<br />

emerged that the EU will have to cope with: terrorism<br />

and migrants. Both of these challenges do require to<br />

be deepened.<br />

Given this, the paper will deal with these two main<br />

issues: 1. Do terrorism and migrants/trafficking require<br />

the setting up of common rules and provisions, beyond<br />

the police and judiciary cooperation? 2. and before<br />

it, do these two challenges need to be coped with by<br />

means of criminal law, including both substantive and<br />

procedural criminal law?<br />

61 LIBERAL ECONOMIC ORDERING<br />

THROUGH MEGAREGIONAL<br />

AGREEMENTS: THE TRANS-PACIFIC<br />

PARTNERSHIP (TPP)<br />

Panel formed with individual proposals.<br />

Participants Richard B. Stewart<br />

Paul Mertenskötter<br />

Klaas Hendrik Eller<br />

Helen Churchman<br />

Thomas Streinz<br />

Name of Chair Richard B. Stewart<br />

Room UL9 213<br />

Richard B. Stewart: Liberal Economic Ordering<br />

through Megaregional Agreements: The Trans-<br />

Pacific Partnership (TPP)<br />

TPP aims to promote liberal economic ordering<br />

while addressing nontariff regulatory trade impediments<br />

and responding to the growing importance<br />

of trade in services, global value chains (GVCs), and<br />

the digital economy. It expands the space in which<br />

corporations can conduct business through market<br />

exchange and compete on a level-playing field while<br />

constraining the role of states as market actors. It also<br />

includes wide-ranging obligations to reform, reorient<br />

and constrain the Parties’ internal regulatory processes.<br />

A naked economic agreement, TPP largely disregards<br />

ensuing distributional effects and the wider set<br />

of standard liberal concerns such as economic security<br />

for citizens, human rights or democracy. TPP will likely<br />

have important impacts (both positive and negative)<br />

on third-parties, including on non-member states, existing<br />

international and regional institutions, and weakly<br />

organized groups. The governance arrangements for<br />

TPP have significance commensurate with its ambition.<br />

Paul Mertenskötter: Strategic Uses of Administrative<br />

Law in the Trans-Pacific Partnership<br />

TPP’s administrative law obligations for Parties’<br />

domestic regulatory processes vary significantly in<br />

intensity, scope, legal accountability and enforcement<br />

potential across different issue areas. They tend to<br />

be stronger where focused multi-national economic<br />

interests dominate (i.e. pharmaceutical regulations,<br />

government procurement) and weaker where more<br />

diffuse social interests are concerned (i.e. environment,<br />

labor). This variation is partly explained by considering<br />

treaty-based obligations for domestic administrative<br />

procedures as instruments of political control. The<br />

procedures empower certain interests in the regulatory<br />

process more than others. Negotiating treaties with decision-making<br />

procedures for regulators in other countries<br />

can be a tool for political actors to satisfy interest<br />

group demands where other instruments of political<br />

influence over foreign regulators such as monitoring,<br />

oversight and appointment are much more limited.<br />

Concurring panels 99

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