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ICON S Conference 17 – 19 June 2016 Humboldt University Berlin

160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME

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ing attention in the constitutional legisprudence and<br />

regulation scholarship. The constitutional scholarship<br />

is mainly interested in the constitutionality of temporary<br />

legislation and in judicial review of such legislation (particularly,<br />

whether and how the temporary nature of the<br />

law should impact the proper level of judicial deference<br />

in exercising judicial review). The legisprudence scholarship<br />

is mainly interested in the relationship between<br />

temporary of legislation and evidence-based lawmaking<br />

and “quality of legislation.” The regulation scholarship<br />

is mainly interested in the relationship between<br />

temporary legislation and “experimentalist governance”<br />

and “smart regulation” approaches. This study <strong>–</strong> the<br />

first empirical study on temporary legislation in Israel<br />

<strong>–</strong> will try to integrate the three perspectives.<br />

Quirin Weinzierl: Böckenförde and the EU <strong>–</strong> can<br />

the EU guarantee the prerequisites it lives by?<br />

Facing situations such as in Hungary and Poland the<br />

pressing question is whether the EU is by itself able to<br />

guarantee the prerequisites it lives by (The Böckenförde<br />

dilemma). However, Art. 7 TEU which was established<br />

in order to address such situations seems weak due to<br />

its high threshold for application. The European Commission’s<br />

“New EU Framework to strengthen the Rule of<br />

Law” only provides for an informal framework of dialogue<br />

to solve (potential) violations of the rule of law. Although<br />

the relevant terms of a systemic deficit and the principle<br />

of the rule of law are well established enough to form<br />

the basis of a legal analysis Art. 7 TEU and the Framework<br />

are political not legal in nature. The outcome of<br />

the Commissions actions towards Poland and Hungary<br />

shows that the infringement procedure is the only legal<br />

tool at hand. Options proposed such as a “Copenhagen<br />

Commission” will not add any value at the legal level.<br />

The Böckenförde dilemma thus lives on within the EU.<br />

David A. Vitale: Defining Trust in Public Law<br />

Trust is a concept often referred to by public law<br />

scholars but rarely examined in detail. Despite this<br />

oversight, its importance to public law is apparent. Social<br />

scientists have long recognized the significance<br />

of public trust in government to well-functioning democracies.<br />

Legal scholars in other disciplines (including<br />

contract, trusts, medical and fiduciary law) have<br />

stressed the importance of understanding, and have<br />

sought to examine the relationship between trust and<br />

their respective areas of law. As a first step towards<br />

better understanding the relationship between public<br />

law and trust, this paper seeks to define trust in a way<br />

that may be of use to public law scholars. It does so<br />

in a particular sub-context of public law: the public<br />

administration of social goods and services (e.g. housing,<br />

health care, education and welfare benefits) in a<br />

contemporary democracy with a welfare state.<br />

Dejan Pavlović: Constitutional aspects of the ban<br />

on the far right political organizations in Serbia<br />

The paper aims at providing the analysis of the<br />

Serbian constitutional framework and the recent jurisprudence<br />

of the Constitutional Court on banning<br />

several registered and unregistered political organizations<br />

and formations. The common ground for the<br />

assessed organizations and formations was that their<br />

platforms and activities were directed against constitutional<br />

order, as well as on incitement to racial or<br />

ethnical hatred and discrimination.<br />

Banning of a political organization in a democratic<br />

state is an old controversy. Modern constitutions have<br />

strong human rights foundations, but a democracy<br />

should also have a right to protect itself as a system<br />

of governance. The never ending dilemma <strong>–</strong> how much<br />

freedom should we provide for the enemies of freedom<br />

<strong>–</strong> has come again into focus of constitutional scholars<br />

and practitioners worldwide. The activism of the<br />

constitutional courts in Spain and Turkey, as well as<br />

the jurisprudence of the ECtHR, are being carefully<br />

monitored, commented and often replicated.<br />

Concurring panels 125

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