ICON S Conference 17 – 19 June 2016 Humboldt University Berlin
160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME
160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME
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ing attention in the constitutional legisprudence and<br />
regulation scholarship. The constitutional scholarship<br />
is mainly interested in the constitutionality of temporary<br />
legislation and in judicial review of such legislation (particularly,<br />
whether and how the temporary nature of the<br />
law should impact the proper level of judicial deference<br />
in exercising judicial review). The legisprudence scholarship<br />
is mainly interested in the relationship between<br />
temporary of legislation and evidence-based lawmaking<br />
and “quality of legislation.” The regulation scholarship<br />
is mainly interested in the relationship between<br />
temporary legislation and “experimentalist governance”<br />
and “smart regulation” approaches. This study <strong>–</strong> the<br />
first empirical study on temporary legislation in Israel<br />
<strong>–</strong> will try to integrate the three perspectives.<br />
Quirin Weinzierl: Böckenförde and the EU <strong>–</strong> can<br />
the EU guarantee the prerequisites it lives by?<br />
Facing situations such as in Hungary and Poland the<br />
pressing question is whether the EU is by itself able to<br />
guarantee the prerequisites it lives by (The Böckenförde<br />
dilemma). However, Art. 7 TEU which was established<br />
in order to address such situations seems weak due to<br />
its high threshold for application. The European Commission’s<br />
“New EU Framework to strengthen the Rule of<br />
Law” only provides for an informal framework of dialogue<br />
to solve (potential) violations of the rule of law. Although<br />
the relevant terms of a systemic deficit and the principle<br />
of the rule of law are well established enough to form<br />
the basis of a legal analysis Art. 7 TEU and the Framework<br />
are political not legal in nature. The outcome of<br />
the Commissions actions towards Poland and Hungary<br />
shows that the infringement procedure is the only legal<br />
tool at hand. Options proposed such as a “Copenhagen<br />
Commission” will not add any value at the legal level.<br />
The Böckenförde dilemma thus lives on within the EU.<br />
David A. Vitale: Defining Trust in Public Law<br />
Trust is a concept often referred to by public law<br />
scholars but rarely examined in detail. Despite this<br />
oversight, its importance to public law is apparent. Social<br />
scientists have long recognized the significance<br />
of public trust in government to well-functioning democracies.<br />
Legal scholars in other disciplines (including<br />
contract, trusts, medical and fiduciary law) have<br />
stressed the importance of understanding, and have<br />
sought to examine the relationship between trust and<br />
their respective areas of law. As a first step towards<br />
better understanding the relationship between public<br />
law and trust, this paper seeks to define trust in a way<br />
that may be of use to public law scholars. It does so<br />
in a particular sub-context of public law: the public<br />
administration of social goods and services (e.g. housing,<br />
health care, education and welfare benefits) in a<br />
contemporary democracy with a welfare state.<br />
Dejan Pavlović: Constitutional aspects of the ban<br />
on the far right political organizations in Serbia<br />
The paper aims at providing the analysis of the<br />
Serbian constitutional framework and the recent jurisprudence<br />
of the Constitutional Court on banning<br />
several registered and unregistered political organizations<br />
and formations. The common ground for the<br />
assessed organizations and formations was that their<br />
platforms and activities were directed against constitutional<br />
order, as well as on incitement to racial or<br />
ethnical hatred and discrimination.<br />
Banning of a political organization in a democratic<br />
state is an old controversy. Modern constitutions have<br />
strong human rights foundations, but a democracy<br />
should also have a right to protect itself as a system<br />
of governance. The never ending dilemma <strong>–</strong> how much<br />
freedom should we provide for the enemies of freedom<br />
<strong>–</strong> has come again into focus of constitutional scholars<br />
and practitioners worldwide. The activism of the<br />
constitutional courts in Spain and Turkey, as well as<br />
the jurisprudence of the ECtHR, are being carefully<br />
monitored, commented and often replicated.<br />
Concurring panels 125