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ICON S Conference 17 – 19 June 2016 Humboldt University Berlin

160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME

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and systematically constructed, in Republican law, to<br />

exclude some categories of people of the entitlement<br />

of rights, such as women.<br />

Céline Fercot: Gender stereotypes discriminations<br />

and equality<br />

This paper looks at the reform of parental leave the<br />

was introduced in 2015. The reform was presented as<br />

a was to unsettle the breadwinner/housekeeper stereotypes<br />

and rebalance the share of parental roles. It is<br />

however expected to have only a limited effect in terms<br />

of real gender equality. Not only is the reform essentially<br />

incentive in nature it also does not go far enough in its<br />

apprehension of the countless stereotypes that affect<br />

not only women but also men both in the workplace<br />

and in the domestic sphere. Stereotypes are generally<br />

analyzed and combated only from the perspective of<br />

female stereotypes. Yet even if the position of men can<br />

not be analyzed in the same terms as that of women<br />

it is important for policy reform to conceive of stereotypes<br />

as a whole.<br />

Eléonore Lépinard: The invention of colorblind<br />

ness: the constitutional politics of race in<br />

France (<strong>19</strong>46-2012)<br />

This paper investigates the genealogy and the interpretation<br />

of an important constitutional provision,<br />

the first one of the French Constitution, which states<br />

that the Republic ensures equality of treatment of all its<br />

citizens “without distinction based on origins, race or<br />

religion”. This anti-discrimination clause has been used<br />

several times since the <strong>19</strong>90s by the Constitutional<br />

Council to promote a color-blind interpretation of the<br />

Constitution that has fueled what can be termed a “republican”<br />

turn in French constitutional politics. Indeed,<br />

since the <strong>19</strong>90s any recognition of any group difference<br />

(especially those based on sex and race/ethnicity) has<br />

been closely scrutinized, and often rejected, by the<br />

French Constitutional Council (CC), thereby preventing<br />

the implementation of affirmative action policies or the<br />

measure of ethnic discrimination. While the CC has<br />

invoked in its decisions the first article of the Constitution<br />

and a French “tradition” of blindness to differences,<br />

a historical perspective on how this article made its<br />

way into the Constitution, its conceptual and political<br />

premises, reveals quite another story. Looking at the<br />

recent constitutional politics of race promoted by the<br />

CC in this broader perspective reveals the extent of<br />

the CC’s interpretative strategies and its central role<br />

in the crafting of an exclusive form of republicanism.<br />

all the requirements the state may refuse to grant him<br />

or her French citizenship. In other words the procedure<br />

distinguishes among foreigner applicants those<br />

deemed worthy of joining the national community while<br />

granting citizenship through naturalization differentiates<br />

within the nation those who came from elsewhere.<br />

However the current debate about the deprivation of<br />

nationality has shown an extended use of the notion<br />

of favor. Indeed it seems to concern henceforth those<br />

among French nationals who are conceived as other<br />

even if they are born French. This paper aims to address<br />

the way in which the notion of favor is used to<br />

define French citizenship in the case of racialized others,<br />

also in comparison with Germany.<br />

Elsa Bourdier: French laicité from freedom to<br />

repression<br />

The paper uses a distinction first offered by A. Ferrari<br />

between legal laïcité and narrative laïcité to differentiate<br />

between two levels of discourse relating to<br />

laïcité. Narrative laicité is a discourse that refers to a<br />

republican ideal Legal laicité is made of positive law.<br />

The crucial steps of this evolution of laïcité from an inclusionary<br />

to an exclusionary tool (such as, for instance,<br />

the 2010 ban on face-concealment) have not, however,<br />

been based on legal laïcité but rather on grounds such<br />

as safety. While narrative laïcité justifies the banning of<br />

face-covering veils, legal laïcité could not <strong>–</strong>lest legal<br />

regimes risk being deemed discriminatory. By studying<br />

the decisions of the French Constitutional Court (2010)<br />

and the European Court of Human Rights (2014) which<br />

controlled the law banning face covering veils in public<br />

spaces, the paper aims to demonstrate that narrative<br />

laicité impacts the interpretation of the law despite its<br />

neutral and general aspect.<br />

Sarah Mazouz: Favor as a Frame: Logics of<br />

Belonging and Exclusion in French Practices of<br />

citizenship<br />

The notion of favor is initially limited to the naturalization<br />

procedure. Indeed unlike the other ways of<br />

acquiring French citizenship naturalization is defined<br />

as a ‘favor’ made by the state to deserving foreigner<br />

applicants. It means that even if the applicant fulfills<br />

Concurring panels 142

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