ICON S Conference 17 – 19 June 2016 Humboldt University Berlin
160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME
160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME
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Valentin Jeutner: The reasonable person in<br />
public law<br />
As part of the conference panel “How can the absent<br />
speak? Presumptions and paradoxes of presence<br />
in public law” my paper aims to investigate the meaning<br />
and role of the concept of the reasonable person<br />
in public law reasoning. Specifically, I want to focus<br />
on three aspects of the concept. First, I seek to show<br />
how the invocation of the reasonable person can be<br />
understood as an (potentially unsuccessful) attempt to<br />
bestow judicial decisions with a degree of democratic<br />
legitimacy in the sense that courts make normative<br />
judgements supposedly with reference to standards<br />
shared by most <strong>–</strong> “reasonable” <strong>–</strong> persons. Second, I<br />
seek to consider the significance of the concept of<br />
the reasonable person with reference to the rule of<br />
law. In many cases the reasonable person concept<br />
is seen as a safeguard of the rule of law, but given<br />
the fictional nature and the intentional absence of the<br />
reasonable person itself from the court room the rule<br />
of law might at times be at odds with the reasonable<br />
person concept. Drawing on the findings of the previous<br />
two sections the paper finally intends to identify<br />
and to consider the specific nature of the absence of<br />
the reasonable person. While the kinds of absence<br />
considered by the other panel speakers trigger questions<br />
of legitimacy because the respectively absent<br />
persons could in principle be present, in the case of the<br />
reasonable person the concept’s legitimacy might be<br />
inherently linked to the reasonable person’s absence.<br />
In this sense my paper questions the binary divide between<br />
absence/presence showing that both absence<br />
and presence can, depending on the circumstances,<br />
be beneficial from the perspective of democratic legitimacy<br />
and the rule of law.<br />
Nino Guruli: Public law abroad: democracy,<br />
legitimacy, and the rule of law<br />
The democratic process is a central principle of<br />
constitutional law; it is the most basic requirement for<br />
legitimate exercise of power. But it is not the only principle.<br />
This paper seeks to untangle doctrines rooted in<br />
democratic legitimacy from those constitutional principles<br />
that derive their authority from values of good<br />
governance and substantive conceptions of the rule of<br />
law in order to evaluate when and how ‘absence’ of the<br />
impacted individual is made irrelevant by the ‘presence’<br />
of the State. Constitutional principles contain distinct<br />
(though connected) limits on exercises of public power.<br />
Charters of individual rights draw their authority from<br />
normative principles of human rights, as well as from<br />
the democratic processes that enact those values into<br />
positive law and ultimately from rule of law principles.<br />
By considering the role of these principles in the state’s<br />
exercise of extra-territorial authority, my aim is to develop<br />
a principled means of relating these sources<br />
of legitimacy. What can we learn about legitimacy of<br />
public law by analyzing the role of democracy, authority<br />
and the rule of law abroad?<br />
79 THE BOUNDARIES OF CITIZENSHIP<br />
Panel formed with individual proposals.<br />
Participants Miluše Kindlová<br />
Věra Honusková<br />
Michael B. Krakat<br />
Manav Kapur<br />
Jhuma Sen<br />
Name of Chair Jhuma Sen<br />
Room DOR24 1.405<br />
Miluše Kindlová and Věra Honusková: Citizenship<br />
and Denationalization <strong>–</strong> Current Theoretical<br />
and Legal Perspectives<br />
Citizenship theories have again become one of the<br />
most debated areas of political/constitutional studies.<br />
With (re)emergence or revival of legal regulations<br />
providing for the possibility of citizenship deprivation,<br />
theories of the nature of citizenship have received<br />
another impetus, struggling with questions such as:<br />
Should the lack (loss) of loyalty to the state be a reason<br />
for the deprivation of citizenship, considering that its<br />
existence is a usual precondition for naturalization?<br />
Should we differentiate between citizenship acquired<br />
by birth and citizenship acquired by naturalization in<br />
this regard and why? Should we conceive of various<br />
limitations on citizenship rights and is this a better option<br />
than direct deprivation of citizenship? The paper<br />
reflects upon these and related questions against the<br />
background of current (inter)national law and practice<br />
in the sphere of citizenship.<br />
Michael B. Krakat: Economic Citizenship Laws:<br />
Commodification to Cosmopolitanism<br />
An emerging area within the law of citizenship relates<br />
to direct citizenship by investment or ‘economic<br />
citizenship’ allowing for free trade ‘flag-of-convenience’<br />
cash-for-passport-programs (for instance by St. Kitts<br />
& Nevis or Malta) to directly assign citizenship to elite<br />
bidders without need for residence- or other requirements.<br />
‘Cosmopolitan citizenship’ on the other hand<br />
may be understood as a minimum number of rights<br />
and duties held individually, directly under international<br />
law, as a global ‘right-to-have rights’ based on<br />
formative principles including Human Rights, equality,<br />
access to justice. This research is to contextualize<br />
both areas of law: Basic tenets of cosmopolitanism<br />
may inform and guide the process of marketization<br />
of citizenship. Economic citizenship laws on the other<br />
hand may trigger- and pose as practical, functioning<br />
drivers and foundations for the idea of a mobile, flexible<br />
rights-based cosmopolitan approach to citizenship.<br />
Manav Kapur: ‘refugees’ or ‘citizens’: Pakistani<br />
Hindus and the Indian State<br />
In this paper, I examine the relationship between<br />
Pakistani Hindus and the Indian state. I argue that the<br />
Concurring panels 120