ICON S Conference 17 – 19 June 2016 Humboldt University Berlin
160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME
160606-ICON-S-PROGRAMME
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subjects relevant for understanding the relation of individual<br />
and society, and it shows how the AYM, as one<br />
constitutive element of the Turkish state, contributes to<br />
social construction. However, the study inquires a less<br />
piquant, yet illustrative topic <strong>–</strong> constitutional review of<br />
surname legislation. In this endeavor I go beyond the<br />
fixation on judgments as results of a judicial decisionmaking<br />
process, and, instead, investigate the reasoning.<br />
Drawing on social constructionist literature I will<br />
show that in the opposing reasoning of majority and<br />
minority opinion we can see competing constructions<br />
of Turkish society at work.<br />
Roman Zinigrad: Parallels between Civil Education<br />
and Citizenship<br />
The number of citizens in a state may grow in two<br />
ways: birth and immigration. The process of acquiring<br />
citizenship in both cases is usually presented in very<br />
different manners: Birthright citizenship is thought to<br />
be technical while the naturalization of immigrants is<br />
understood to be of a more substantive nature. Questioning<br />
the above axioms my paper will present two<br />
interdependent arguments, both stemming from liberal<br />
theory and applicable to (more or less) liberal-democratic<br />
regimes. I will claim that the above viewpoint is in<br />
fact reverse. Not only that children are also subjected<br />
to substantive requirements as a precondition to de<br />
facto citizenship, but these substantive requirements<br />
are much more profound and intrusive than in the case<br />
of naturalization. Given the validity of the first argument<br />
the normative claim of the article will then be that these<br />
substantive requirements for “birthright citizenship”<br />
cannot be imposed on children of parents who object<br />
to this policy.<br />
57 IRREGULAR IMMIGRANTS ACROSS<br />
BORDERS AND WITHIN: POLICED,<br />
MANAGED, IMAGINED<br />
This panel examines the treatment of irregular migrants,<br />
and addresses questions of borders, movement and<br />
displacement. We take immigration control as a series<br />
of institutions, each with certain “nature” and “functions”<br />
that affects the identity of both the individual<br />
migrant and the host state. Often, we show, they lead<br />
to unintended consequences. Together, the different<br />
papers illuminate underlying racialized perceptions<br />
of different modes of irregular migration, in both, Germany<br />
and the United States.<br />
Participants Linda S. Bosniak<br />
Emily Ryo<br />
Leti Volpp<br />
Moria Paz<br />
Name of Chair Moria Paz<br />
Room DOR24 1.607<br />
Linda S. Bosniak: Wrongs, Rights and Regularization<br />
Assuming one supports programs of legalization<br />
or regularization for irregular immigrants in some<br />
circumstances, how is such support to be justified?<br />
There are a variety of normative rationales out there<br />
on behalf immigrant regularization which I will identify<br />
and analyze. My particular focus <strong>–</strong> the idea I want to<br />
follow throughout the discussion <strong>–</strong> is that of immigrant<br />
wrongdoing. Wrongdoing or wrongfulness is a normative<br />
premise that is addressed, one way or another,<br />
in all of the pro-regularization arguments. I look at<br />
how this presumption of wrongdoing is constructed,<br />
understood, managed, processed, overlooked, minimized,<br />
and even challenged en route to a regularization<br />
outcome. Why is the idea of immigrant wrongdoing<br />
so central? Because <strong>–</strong> in brief <strong>–</strong> it is a concept<br />
that captures the normative force of the border once<br />
interiorized in the liberal democratic state. The very<br />
existence of irregular migrants presupposes both exclusionary<br />
border rules and also their incompleteness<br />
or failure. In keeping with liberalism’s often individualist<br />
and moralized approach to social outcomes, immigrant<br />
wrongdoing becomes the default organizing<br />
frame for addressing this failure. Border fundamentalists<br />
view this wrongdoing as preclusively barring<br />
regularization. Those who support regularization find<br />
themselves having to contend with the wrongdoing<br />
issue, but seek by various means to get beyond it. In<br />
this paper, I analyze the nature and significance of<br />
these efforts.<br />
Concurring panels 94