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The Context of HIV Risk Among Drug Users and Their Sexual Partners

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syringe first, if they share with their sexual partners, if they jointly<br />

purchase a syringe, if they anonymously use a previously used needle, or<br />

if they clean a jointly used syringe with bleach.<br />

Some behavioral scientists described syringe sharing as a ritualized social<br />

practice, implying that the exchange <strong>of</strong> a syringe between injectors was a<br />

conscious act <strong>of</strong> reciprocity. In this interpretation, syringe sharing was<br />

thought to function as a means for injectors to bond <strong>and</strong> develop trust<br />

(Des Jarlais et al. 1986; Howard <strong>and</strong> Borges 1972). Observations <strong>of</strong><br />

injecting situations <strong>and</strong> detailed interviews with injectors led several<br />

ethnographers to suggest additional explanations for this behavior. <strong>The</strong>y<br />

found that, in many cases, syringe sharing is motivated by the need to get<br />

high, <strong>and</strong> has little to do with ritual or cementing social relationships<br />

(Carlson et al. in press; Clatts et al. in press; Fern<strong>and</strong>o 1991; Kane <strong>and</strong><br />

Mason 1992; Koester 1992, 1994; Murphy 1987; Page et al. 1990).<br />

Ethnographers have suggested the terms “needle transfer” <strong>and</strong> “needle<br />

circulation” as more accurately describing the multiple ways injectors<br />

pass syringes among themselves (Carlson 1991; Carlson et al. in press).<br />

Usually, the IDU who gives a syringe to another injector does not want it<br />

back. Needle pooling describes how injectors use common stocks <strong>of</strong><br />

used syringes available at shooting galleries as well as what happens<br />

when an injector “stashes” a syringe in a location where other IDUs can<br />

find it (Page et al. 1990).<br />

Studies by Carlson <strong>and</strong> colleagues (in press) <strong>and</strong> by Koester (1994)<br />

explained multiple reasons, besides <strong>HIV</strong>, that injectors have for not<br />

sharing their syringes. Used syringes are more difficult <strong>and</strong> painful to use<br />

because the point quickly becomes dull, an important consideration for<br />

injectors who experience difficulty locating a vein or who want to<br />

prolong the use <strong>of</strong> their remaining uncollapsed veins. Also, the most<br />

common syringes now used by injectors are disposable insulin syringes<br />

that become inoperable from repeated use; needles clog <strong>and</strong> the rubber<br />

plunger begins to lose its pliancy <strong>and</strong> thus its suction after more than a<br />

few injections.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se illustrations suggest the importance <strong>of</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing the meaning<br />

<strong>of</strong> behavior from the point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> those who engage in it <strong>and</strong> confirm<br />

the necessity <strong>of</strong> identifying <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing the “complex <strong>and</strong> broader<br />

constraints” influencing these behaviors (Kane <strong>and</strong> Mason 1992, p. 201).<br />

Identifying when sex becomes work or when syringe sharing becomes an<br />

anonymous act requires an underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong> the context in which these<br />

behaviors take place.<br />

205

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